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漢語閱讀中副中央凹加工在眼跳目標(biāo)選擇中的作用

發(fā)布時(shí)間:2018-05-29 07:26

  本文選題:副中央凹加工 + 眼跳目標(biāo); 參考:《天津師范大學(xué)》2016年博士論文


【摘要】:閱讀過程中眼睛移向何處,即眼跳目標(biāo)的選擇是閱讀過程中的一個(gè)基本問題。副中央凹加工的區(qū)域是下一次即將被注視的區(qū)域,該區(qū)域的加工對(duì)于隨后的眼跳目標(biāo)選擇具有十分重要的影響。本研究探討了漢語閱讀中副中央凹加工在眼跳目標(biāo)選擇的作用。本研究包含三項(xiàng)研究,共7個(gè)實(shí)驗(yàn)。研究一探討了影響眼跳目標(biāo)選擇的副中央凹加工的范圍。研究二中探討了副中央凹中影響隨后眼跳目標(biāo)選擇的因素。在實(shí)驗(yàn)三中探討了中央凹加工與副中央凹加工在眼跳目標(biāo)選擇中的關(guān)系。研究一中共有3個(gè)實(shí)驗(yàn)。在實(shí)驗(yàn)1中操縱了副中央凹中雙字詞首字和尾字的預(yù)視類型(目標(biāo)預(yù)視和假字預(yù)視),來檢驗(yàn)副中央凹中雙字詞首字和尾字的預(yù)視是否均會(huì)影響隨后的眼跳目標(biāo)選擇。結(jié)果發(fā)現(xiàn),在從中央凹注視詞到副中央凹詞的眼跳長度上,副中央凹中目標(biāo)詞首字和尾字目標(biāo)預(yù)視下的眼跳長度顯著地長于假字預(yù)視下的眼跳長度,表明副中央凹中雙字詞首字和尾字的預(yù)視類型均會(huì)影響隨后的眼跳目標(biāo)選擇。在實(shí)驗(yàn)2中操縱了副中央凹中雙字詞首字的字頻(高頻字和低頻字)與雙字詞尾字N+2的預(yù)視(目標(biāo)預(yù)視和假字預(yù)視),來考察副中央凹中字N+2預(yù)視對(duì)眼跳目標(biāo)選擇的影響是否受到副中央凹中首字N+1加工負(fù)荷的調(diào)節(jié)。結(jié)果發(fā)現(xiàn),在從中央凹詞到副中央凹詞的眼跳長度上,副中央凹中字N+2的兩種預(yù)視條件下沒有顯著地差異,表明副中央凹中字N+2的預(yù)視并不影響隨后的眼跳目標(biāo)選擇。在實(shí)驗(yàn)3中操縱了副中央凹中的兩個(gè)字的構(gòu)詞情況(雙字詞和兩個(gè)單字詞)和字N+2的預(yù)視類型(目標(biāo)預(yù)視和假字預(yù)視),來考察副中央凹中的信息特征對(duì)眼跳目標(biāo)選擇的影響。結(jié)果發(fā)現(xiàn),當(dāng)副中央凹中為雙字詞時(shí),在從中央凹詞到副中央凹詞的眼跳長度上,字N+2目標(biāo)預(yù)視下的眼跳長度顯著地長于假字預(yù)視下的眼跳長度,在首次注視位置上,字N+2目標(biāo)預(yù)視與假字預(yù)視相比,距離詞首位置顯著地更遠(yuǎn);當(dāng)副中央凹中為兩個(gè)單字詞時(shí),在從中央凹詞到副中央凹詞的眼跳長度及首次注視位置上,字N+2的兩種預(yù)視條件下并沒有顯著地差異,表明只有當(dāng)副中央凹中的兩個(gè)字構(gòu)成詞時(shí),字N+2的預(yù)視才會(huì)對(duì)隨后的眼跳目標(biāo)選擇產(chǎn)生顯著地影響。在研究二中通過兩個(gè)實(shí)驗(yàn)探討了副中央凹中首字的筆畫數(shù)與字頻信息對(duì)隨后的眼跳目標(biāo)選擇的影響。在實(shí)驗(yàn)4中,操縱了副中央凹中首字預(yù)視的筆畫數(shù)(少筆畫數(shù)字預(yù)視、目標(biāo)預(yù)視和多筆畫數(shù)字預(yù)視),來考察副中央凹中首字的筆畫數(shù)信息是否影響隨后的眼跳目標(biāo)選擇。結(jié)果發(fā)現(xiàn)在首字的筆畫數(shù)越少,從前目標(biāo)區(qū)到目標(biāo)區(qū)的眼跳長度越長,首次注視位置也越靠近詞中心的位置而遠(yuǎn)離詞首位置,表明副中央凹中首字的筆畫數(shù)信息影響隨后的眼跳目標(biāo)選擇。在實(shí)驗(yàn)5中,同時(shí)操縱副中央凹中首字N+1的字頻(高頻和低頻)與預(yù)視類型(目標(biāo)預(yù)視和假字預(yù)視),來考察副中央凹中首字的字頻信息是否影響隨后的眼跳目標(biāo)選擇。結(jié)果發(fā)現(xiàn),在從中央凹詞到副中央凹詞的眼跳長度上,字N+1目標(biāo)預(yù)視下的眼跳長度顯著地長于假字預(yù)視下的眼跳長度,在首次注視位置上,字N+1目標(biāo)預(yù)視與假字預(yù)視相比,距離詞首位置顯著地更遠(yuǎn),而在從中央凹詞到副中央凹詞的眼跳長度及首次注視位置上,副中央凹中首字的不同字頻下并沒有顯著地差異,表明副中央凹中首字的字頻信息并不影響隨后的眼跳目標(biāo)選擇。在研究三中,通過兩個(gè)實(shí)驗(yàn)探討了中央凹注視詞加工與副中央凹加工在眼跳目標(biāo)選擇中的關(guān)系。在實(shí)驗(yàn)6中,同時(shí)操縱了中央凹雙字詞的詞頻(高頻詞和低頻詞)與副中央凹中首字N+1的的預(yù)視類型(目標(biāo)預(yù)視和假字預(yù)視),來考察中央凹加工與副中央凹中字N+1的預(yù)視在眼跳目標(biāo)選擇中的關(guān)系。結(jié)果發(fā)現(xiàn),在從中央凹詞到副中央凹詞的眼跳長度上,中央凹高頻詞條件顯著地長于低頻詞條件;副中央凹中字N+1目標(biāo)預(yù)視下從中央凹詞到副中央凹詞的眼跳長度顯著地長于假字預(yù)視條件下;字N+1目標(biāo)下副中央凹詞上的首次注視位置與假字預(yù)視相比距離詞首位置更遠(yuǎn);兩因素并不存在顯著地交互作用。表明中央凹詞與副中央凹詞的加工對(duì)眼跳目標(biāo)選擇的作用是獨(dú)立的。在實(shí)驗(yàn)7中同時(shí)操縱了中央凹雙字詞的詞頻(高頻詞和低頻詞)與副中央凹中尾字N+2的的預(yù)視類型(目標(biāo)預(yù)視和假字預(yù)視),來考察中央凹加工與副中央凹中字N+2的預(yù)視在眼跳目標(biāo)選擇中的關(guān)系。結(jié)果發(fā)現(xiàn),在從中央凹詞到副中央凹詞的眼跳長度上,中央凹高頻詞條件顯著地長于低頻詞條件;副中央凹中字N+2目標(biāo)預(yù)視下從中央凹詞到副中央凹詞的眼跳長度顯著地長于假字預(yù)視條件下。同樣表明中央凹詞與副中央凹詞的加工對(duì)眼跳目標(biāo)選擇的作用是獨(dú)立的。綜合三項(xiàng)研究可得出以下結(jié)論:(1)漢語閱讀中副中央凹中字N+1的加工均影響隨后的眼跳目標(biāo)選擇,當(dāng)副中央凹中字N+1與字N+2構(gòu)成一個(gè)詞時(shí),字N+2副中央凹加工也會(huì)影響隨后的眼跳目標(biāo)選擇;(2)在副中央凹的加工中獲取的字N+1的筆畫數(shù)信息影響隨后的眼跳目標(biāo)選擇,副中央凹中首字的筆畫數(shù)越少,目標(biāo)詞上的首次注視位置距離詞首位置越遠(yuǎn),越靠近詞的中心;(3)副中央凹中首字的字頻信息不影響隨后的眼跳目標(biāo)選;(4)中央凹注視詞的詞頻影響隨后的眼跳目標(biāo)選擇,注視詞的詞頻越高,隨后向前的眼跳長度越長;(5)漢語閱讀中,中央凹注視詞的加工與副中央凹的加工在眼跳目標(biāo)選擇上作用是相互獨(dú)立的。
[Abstract]:In the course of reading, the choice of the eye movement, that is, the choice of the saccade target is a basic problem in the reading process. The area of the sub central concave is the next area to be watched, and the processing of the region has a very important influence on the selection of the subsequent saccade targets. This study includes three studies, including 7 experiments. First, the scope of the sub central concave processing that affects the choice of saccade targets is discussed. In the second study, the factors that affect the selection of the target in the secondary recess are discussed. In the third experiment, the selection of the saccade targets by the central concave addition and the sub central concave processing is discussed. There are 3 experiments in a Chinese Communist Party. In Experiment 1, the preview type (target preview and false word preview) in the pair of double words in the sub central concave (target preview and false word preview) is manipulated to test whether the preview of the first and tail words in the sub central concave can affect the selection of the subsequent saccade targets. In the length of the saccade of the central concave word, the length of the saccade under the preview of the target word and the tail word in the sub central concave is significantly longer than the saccade length under the false preview, indicating that the preview type of the double word word and the tail word in the sub central concave will affect the subsequent choice of the saccade target. The preview (target preview and false word preview) of word frequency (high frequency word and low frequency word) and double word tail word N+2 to investigate whether the effect of N+2 preview on the choice of saccade target is regulated by the first word N+1 processing load in the sub central concave. There is no significant difference in the two preview conditions of the N+2, indicating that the preview of the sub central word N+2 does not affect the subsequent choice of saccade targets. In Experiment 3, the word formation (double words and two monosyllabic words) and the preview type of the word N+2 (preview and false word preview) of the two characters in the sub central fovea were manipulated to examine the sub central fovea. The effect of information characteristics on the choice of saccade targets. It is found that the length of the saccade under the preview of the word N+2 target is significantly longer than that of the false word preview, and the distance between the target preview and the false word preview is compared to the false word preview in the first gaze position. The first position of the word is significantly farther; when the sub central concave is two single word words, there is no significant difference in the two preview conditions of the word N+2 in the two preview conditions from the central concave word to the vice central word, indicating that only when the two words in the vice central concave are the word, the preview of the word N+2 is to the subsequent eye jump. In the second study, the influence of the number of strokes of the first word and the word frequency information on the choice of the subsequent saccade target was investigated in the second study. In Experiment 4, the number of strokes previewed by the first word in the vice central fovea (less stroke number preview, preview and multi stroke number preview) were investigated to inspect the pair. It is found that the less the number of strokes in the first word, the longer the length of the saccade in the target area to the target area, the closer the position of the first gaze to the position of the word center and the position of the word head, indicating that the number of strokes of the first word in the sub central fovea affects the subsequent saccade. Target selection. In Experiment 5, the character frequency (high frequency and low frequency) of the first word N+1 (high frequency and low frequency) and preview type (target preview and false word preview) are simultaneously manipulated to investigate whether the word frequency information of the first word in the sub central concave affects the subsequent saccade target selection. The result is that the word N+1 target is found in the saccade length from the central concave word to the vice central word. The length of the saccade under the preview is significantly longer than that of the false word preview. In the first fixation position, the preview of the word N+1 target is significantly farther from the false word preview than the false word preview, while the different word frequency of the first word in the vice central concave is not obvious in the length and the first position of the saccade from the central concave to the vice central word. It shows that the word frequency information of the first word in the sub central concave does not affect the subsequent choice of saccade targets. In the third study, the relationship between the processing of the central concave fixated word processing and the sub central concave processing in the choice of saccade targets was investigated by two experiments. In Experiment 6, the word frequency (high frequency words and low frequency words) of the central concave double words were manipulated at the same time. The preview type (target preview and false word preview) of the first word N+1 in the sub central fovea is used to examine the relationship between the preview of the central concave processing and the preview of the sub central concave word N+1 in the choice of saccade targets. The length of the saccade from the central concave word to the vice central word is significantly longer than the false word preview under the preview of the concave middle word N+1 target. The first fixation position on the sub central concave word under the word N+1 target is far farther from the false word preview; the two factor does not exist significant interaction. The effect of processing on the choice of saccade targets is independent. In Experiment 7, the preview type (target preview and false word preview) of the word frequency (high frequency words and low frequency words) and the middle concave middle tail word N+2 of the central fovea double words were simultaneously manipulated to investigate the relationship between the preview of the central concave processing and the preview of the middle fovea N+2 in the choice of the saccade target. It is found that the central concave high-frequency word condition is significantly longer than the low frequency word condition in the saccade length from the central concave word to the sub central concave word, and the saccade length from the central concave word to the vice central word is significantly longer than the false word preview under the preview of the sub Central concave middle word N+2 target. The effect of jumping target selection is independent. The following three studies can draw the following conclusions: (1) the processing of the Middle Chinese character N+1 in Chinese reading affects the choice of the subsequent saccade target. When the vice central word N+1 and the word N+2 constitute a word, the sub central concave processing of the word N+2 will also affect the subsequent choice of the saccade target; (2) in the secondary center The number of strokes of the word N+1 obtained in the concave processing affects the selection of the subsequent saccade targets, the less the number of strokes of the first word in the sub central concave, the farther the first gaze position from the word head is, the closer to the center of the word; (3) the word frequency information of the first word in the sub central concave does not affect the subsequent saccade target selection; (4) the central fovea gaze. The word frequency affects the choice of the subsequent saccade target, the higher the word frequency, the longer the length of the forward saccade; (5) in Chinese reading, the processing of the central concave fixated words and the processing of the sub central concave in the choice of the saccade target are independent.
【學(xué)位授予單位】:天津師范大學(xué)
【學(xué)位級(jí)別】:博士
【學(xué)位授予年份】:2016
【分類號(hào)】:B842

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