當代中國的身份認同與政治社會化：一項基于城市農民工子女的實證研究
發(fā)布時間：2018-09-11 10:39
【摘要】： 以往的政治社會化研究主要關注階級、階層、社會經(jīng)濟地位、種族等客觀因素對于兒童政治社會化的影響,而本文通過對農民工子女的實證研究發(fā)現(xiàn):農民工子女的身份認同對他們的政治態(tài)度與行為模式有著至關重要的影響。 本文試圖回答以下問題:首先,在政治社會化的過程中,農民工子女的身份認同是通過什么方式形成的?不同的政治社會化媒介在其中發(fā)揮了什么作用?其次,農民工子女的身份認同是如何影響他們的政治態(tài)度與行為模式的?最后,如果農民工子女的身份認同會對他們政治觀念與行為產(chǎn)生重大影響,那么,圍繞身份差異而形成的政治態(tài)度與行為模式的分化究竟有多大?農民工子女是主流意識形態(tài)的接受者,抑或形成了一套相對自主的底層文化?如此一來,看似后現(xiàn)代的“認同政治”就與政治學的傳統(tǒng)議題——政治文化、政治社會化、階級再生產(chǎn)——緊密地勾連在一起。 研究表明:第一、家庭、學校、國家(包括基層政府和意識形態(tài)的國家)、社會干預(NGO、志愿者)是農民工子女政治社會化的主要媒介。農民工子女的政治社會化過程包含建制化的政治學習與事件化的政治學習兩種機制,前者主要型塑他們的價值觀,后者則更多地影響他們的知識庫存。對于農民工子女而言,事件在他們的政治社會化過程中發(fā)揮了更加突出的作用。 第二、農民工子女與政治社會化媒介的互動過程,往往是圍繞著身份的確認與否認、斗爭與妥協(xié)而展開的,也就是說,政治社會化是以身份生產(chǎn)為中心的。由此形成的身份認同不是一成不變的,而是社會結構與具體情境共同作用下的權宜性結果,一旦失去外力的推動,一種特定身份就可能停止運作了。身份認同從來不是自由意志的表達,而是始終存在于特定的權力結構之中。當農民工子女試圖表達自己的身份認同時,不可避免地受到外部群體和國家治理行為的制約,防御性認同和進取性認同便應運而生。本文用“運作性認同”來表述農民工子女身份生產(chǎn)的這一特性。 第三、通過對農民工子弟學校與公辦學校的比較研究,我們發(fā)現(xiàn):雖然就讀于公辦學校的農民工子女學習積極性高于前者,但卻更為強烈地感受到城市主流社會的歧視,對個人的前景也更加悲觀,其成長過程中存在顯著的“天花板效應”,也就是說,由于對社會流動的預期很低而主動放棄學業(yè)上的努力。農民工子弟學校則盛行“反學校文化”,如果說公辦學校的農民工子女是因為低預期而選擇“自我放棄”,那么,農民工子弟學校的“反學校文化”并不是因為自暴自棄,恰恰相反,他們常常為自己離經(jīng)叛道的行為感到自豪。通過否定學校的價值系統(tǒng)、蔑視校方和教師的權威,他們一方面獲得了獨立與自尊,另一方面則心甘情愿地提前進入次級勞動力市場,加速了階級再生產(chǎn)的進程。 但是,反學校文化并不是一套獨立的底層文化,對調查問卷的分析顯示:農民工子女對基本社會規(guī)范的接受程度與城市兒童相差甚微,價值傾向基本一致,只不過城市兒童的態(tài)度更趨近于政治正確性,也就是說,對于主流價值觀認可的觀點,城市兒童表示更強烈的支持;對于主流價值觀否定的觀點,城市兒童表示更堅決的反對。簡言之,與城市兒童相比,農民工子女與主流價值觀表現(xiàn)出輕微的疏離,但他們并沒有站在主流價值觀的對立面。他們與城市孩子的不同更多地表現(xiàn)在知識庫存:在遭遇群際沖突事件之后,農民工子女會對這些事件進行加工,將其整理為相應的“故事”,當日后再出現(xiàn)類似的事件時,這些生活記憶所構成的知識庫存將成為他們判斷和行動的依據(jù)。 論文的最后一部分還討論了相關命題與概念的適用范圍,在超越個案的同時避免過度夸大結論的解釋力,一方面揭示了農民工子女政治社會化的深層機制,另一方面也補充和修正了政治社會化的一般理論。
[Abstract]:Previous studies on political socialization mainly focused on the influence of class, class, social and economic status, race and other objective factors on children's political socialization. This paper found that the identity of children of migrant workers has a crucial impact on their political attitude and behavior patterns.
This paper attempts to answer the following questions: first, in the process of political socialization, how does the identity of migrant workers'children come into being? What role does different political and social media play in it? Second, how does the identity of migrant workers' children affect their political attitudes and behavior patterns? Finally, if farmers Migrant workers'children's identity will have a significant impact on their political concepts and behavior, then, how big is the polarization of political attitudes and behavior patterns formed around the identity differences? Migrant workers' children are the recipients of the mainstream ideology, or form a relatively independent bottom culture? So, it seems postmodern. Identity politics is closely related to the traditional issues of politics: political culture, political socialization, class reproduction.
Research shows that: first, family, school, state (including grass-roots government and ideological state), social intervention (NGO, volunteers) is the main media of political socialization of migrant workers'children. As for the children of migrant workers, events play a more prominent role in their political socialization.
Secondly, the interaction between the children of migrant workers and the media of political socialization often revolves around the recognition and denial of identity, struggle and compromise, that is to say, political socialization is based on the production of identity. As a result, a specific identity may cease to function once it loses the impetus of external forces. Identity is never the expression of free will, but always exists in a specific power structure. Royal identity and aggressive identity came into being at the historic moment. This paper uses "operational identity" to describe the identity production of migrant workers'children.
Thirdly, through the comparative study between the schools for the children of migrant workers and the public schools, we find that although the children of migrant workers who study in the public schools have higher learning enthusiasm than the former, they feel more strongly the discrimination of the urban mainstream society, and are more pessimistic about their personal prospects. There is a significant "ceiling effect" in their growth process. "That is to say, because of the low expectation of social mobility, the school for children of migrant workers voluntarily abandons its academic efforts. The"anti-school culture"prevails in schools for children of migrant workers. If the children of migrant workers in public schools choose"self-abandonment"because of low expectation, the"anti-school culture"in schools for children of migrant workers is not due to self-destructiveness. Self-abandonment, on the contrary, is often proud of their deviance. By denying the school's value system and despising the authority of the school authorities and teachers, they gain independence and self-esteem on the one hand, and willingly advance into the secondary labor market on the other, speeding up the process of class reproduction.
However, anti-school culture is not a set of independent bottom culture. The analysis of the questionnaire shows that the children of migrant workers have little difference in acceptance of basic social norms from urban children, and their value tendencies are basically the same, but their attitudes towards urban children tend to be more politically correct, that is to say, the view of acceptance of mainstream values. In short, compared with urban children, the children of migrant workers show slight alienation from the mainstream values, but they are not on the opposite side of the mainstream values. They are more different from urban children. Now knowledge inventory: after the inter-group conflict, the children of migrant workers will process these events and organize them into corresponding "stories". When similar events occur in the future, the knowledge inventory formed by these life memories will become the basis for their judgment and action.
The last part of the paper also discusses the relevant propositions and concepts of the scope of application, beyond the case while avoiding overstating the explanatory power of conclusions, on the one hand reveals the deep mechanism of political socialization of children of migrant workers, on the other hand, it also supplements and amends the general theory of political socialization.
【學位授予單位】：復旦大學
【學位級別】：博士
【學位授予年份】：2008
【分類號】：G521;D412.6
本文編號：2236456
[Abstract]:Previous studies on political socialization mainly focused on the influence of class, class, social and economic status, race and other objective factors on children's political socialization. This paper found that the identity of children of migrant workers has a crucial impact on their political attitude and behavior patterns.
This paper attempts to answer the following questions: first, in the process of political socialization, how does the identity of migrant workers'children come into being? What role does different political and social media play in it? Second, how does the identity of migrant workers' children affect their political attitudes and behavior patterns? Finally, if farmers Migrant workers'children's identity will have a significant impact on their political concepts and behavior, then, how big is the polarization of political attitudes and behavior patterns formed around the identity differences? Migrant workers' children are the recipients of the mainstream ideology, or form a relatively independent bottom culture? So, it seems postmodern. Identity politics is closely related to the traditional issues of politics: political culture, political socialization, class reproduction.
Research shows that: first, family, school, state (including grass-roots government and ideological state), social intervention (NGO, volunteers) is the main media of political socialization of migrant workers'children. As for the children of migrant workers, events play a more prominent role in their political socialization.
Secondly, the interaction between the children of migrant workers and the media of political socialization often revolves around the recognition and denial of identity, struggle and compromise, that is to say, political socialization is based on the production of identity. As a result, a specific identity may cease to function once it loses the impetus of external forces. Identity is never the expression of free will, but always exists in a specific power structure. Royal identity and aggressive identity came into being at the historic moment. This paper uses "operational identity" to describe the identity production of migrant workers'children.
Thirdly, through the comparative study between the schools for the children of migrant workers and the public schools, we find that although the children of migrant workers who study in the public schools have higher learning enthusiasm than the former, they feel more strongly the discrimination of the urban mainstream society, and are more pessimistic about their personal prospects. There is a significant "ceiling effect" in their growth process. "That is to say, because of the low expectation of social mobility, the school for children of migrant workers voluntarily abandons its academic efforts. The"anti-school culture"prevails in schools for children of migrant workers. If the children of migrant workers in public schools choose"self-abandonment"because of low expectation, the"anti-school culture"in schools for children of migrant workers is not due to self-destructiveness. Self-abandonment, on the contrary, is often proud of their deviance. By denying the school's value system and despising the authority of the school authorities and teachers, they gain independence and self-esteem on the one hand, and willingly advance into the secondary labor market on the other, speeding up the process of class reproduction.
However, anti-school culture is not a set of independent bottom culture. The analysis of the questionnaire shows that the children of migrant workers have little difference in acceptance of basic social norms from urban children, and their value tendencies are basically the same, but their attitudes towards urban children tend to be more politically correct, that is to say, the view of acceptance of mainstream values. In short, compared with urban children, the children of migrant workers show slight alienation from the mainstream values, but they are not on the opposite side of the mainstream values. They are more different from urban children. Now knowledge inventory: after the inter-group conflict, the children of migrant workers will process these events and organize them into corresponding "stories". When similar events occur in the future, the knowledge inventory formed by these life memories will become the basis for their judgment and action.
The last part of the paper also discusses the relevant propositions and concepts of the scope of application, beyond the case while avoiding overstating the explanatory power of conclusions, on the one hand reveals the deep mechanism of political socialization of children of migrant workers, on the other hand, it also supplements and amends the general theory of political socialization.
【學位授予單位】：復旦大學
【學位級別】：博士
【學位授予年份】：2008
【分類號】：G521;D412.6
【引證文獻】
相關博士學位論文 前1條
1 趙翠蘭;精神追尋：農民工子女的語言與自我認同[D];南京師范大學;2011年
，本文編號：2236456
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