【摘要】：本文以20世紀(jì)30年代初天津電車加價(jià)糾紛為個(gè)案,通過對天津電車加價(jià)風(fēng)潮興起、激化、演變及平息過程的細(xì)致描述與具體分析,充分展現(xiàn)電車公司、電車工人、天津各業(yè)工會(huì)、天津市政府以及黨部錯(cuò)綜復(fù)雜的關(guān)系,透視黨政對糾紛的不同態(tài)度,以及各個(gè)利益群體在糾紛中的博弈與互動(dòng)。 比商天津電車電燈公司是天津創(chuàng)立時(shí)間較早、規(guī)模較大的一家外資企業(yè),擁有天津電車、電燈事業(yè)的特許經(jīng)營權(quán)。1932年1月1日,公司以物價(jià)上漲、材料昂貴、工人要求養(yǎng)老金等為由,提高天津各路電車票價(jià)。天津市各自治區(qū)辦事處、各同業(yè)公會(huì)、各業(yè)工會(huì)、教育會(huì)等對此表示強(qiáng)烈反對,紛紛呈請黨政當(dāng)局迅速制止電車加價(jià)。市政府與電車公司的多次交涉均無成果。同時(shí),在市黨部的倡議與指導(dǎo)下,天津市各業(yè)工會(huì)組成了反對電車加價(jià)委員會(huì),組織糾察隊(duì)在各路電車演講、勸導(dǎo)市民乘坐電車不購票,以此方式對公司施壓。 隨著糾察隊(duì)行動(dòng)的展開,天津各業(yè)工會(huì)內(nèi)部開始產(chǎn)生利益分化。以電車工會(huì)為代表的部分群體不僅對糾察隊(duì)的運(yùn)動(dòng)方式不滿,還把矛頭直指糾察隊(duì)背后的市黨部領(lǐng)導(dǎo),發(fā)起“驅(qū)逐黨部整委劉不同”運(yùn)動(dòng)。糾察隊(duì)倡導(dǎo)的“乘車不購票”行動(dòng)與電車工會(huì)等的“驅(qū)劉”運(yùn)動(dòng)相互交織、對峙。糾察隊(duì)與電車工人不斷發(fā)生流血沖突,電車工人全體罷工抗議糾察隊(duì),電車加價(jià)風(fēng)潮日益擴(kuò)大化。電車加價(jià)問題經(jīng)比利時(shí)駐津領(lǐng)事與河北省政府直接交涉,仍未得到解決。 電車工人罷工后,市政府嚴(yán)禁糾察隊(duì)行動(dòng),整委劉不同被調(diào)離天津,“驅(qū)劉”運(yùn)動(dòng)結(jié)束。天津市黨政當(dāng)局走向合作,召開黨政聯(lián)席會(huì)議,命令公司立即恢復(fù)原價(jià)。公司拒不聽令,由比利時(shí)駐華公使與北平綏靖公署及外交部進(jìn)行交涉,事件由商業(yè)糾紛上升至外交調(diào)處。加價(jià)糾紛最終以電車加價(jià)合法化,公司向政府繳納6萬元補(bǔ)助慈善事業(yè)而告以結(jié)束。隨后,電車工人以公司盈利增加為由,要求提高工資、改善待遇,勞資糾紛凸顯。要求未得到滿足時(shí),電車工人以行駛電車不售票的方式抗議公司,在省、市黨政當(dāng)局的協(xié)同調(diào)解下,事件得以最終平息。 本文通過對事件過程的動(dòng)態(tài)分析,透視糾紛中各方的博弈與互動(dòng)。市民團(tuán)體反對電車加價(jià)含有一定的民族主義情緒,但主要是出于對自身利益的維護(hù),體現(xiàn)了市民的維權(quán)意識與主體意識。市政府與公司的交涉互動(dòng)中,公司一直態(tài)度強(qiáng)硬,政府始終處于被動(dòng)地位。事件不斷升級,由商業(yè)糾紛上升至外交調(diào)處,充分證明了地方政府實(shí)力的軟弱。市黨部試圖以運(yùn)動(dòng)方式解決問題,挑戰(zhàn)地方政府權(quán)威,卻在運(yùn)動(dòng)中喪失民心,天津市黨政由背離走向合作。在事件中,電車工會(huì)顯示出組織的完善與內(nèi)部的團(tuán)結(jié),無論是在反對電車加價(jià)運(yùn)動(dòng)中反對糾察隊(duì)、抗議黨部,還是在勞資糾紛中領(lǐng)導(dǎo)工人怠工、抗議電車公司,都是以為工人爭取最大利益為準(zhǔn)則的。
[Abstract]:This paper, taking the Tianjin tram price rise dispute in the early 1930s as a case, through a detailed description and detailed analysis of the rise of the Tianjin tram price surge, the intensification, the evolution and the process of peace, fully displays the complex relationship between the tramcar company, the tramcar workers, the Tianjin trade unions, the Tianjin municipal government and the party department, and examines the differences between the party and the government to the dispute. Attitude and the game and interaction of interest groups in disputes.
Tianjin tram lamp company is an earlier, larger foreign enterprise in Tianjin, which has the franchise rights of the Tianjin tramcar and the electric light industry in January 1st. In January 1st, the company raised the price of the tramcar in Tianjin on the basis of the rising prices, the expensive materials and the workers' pension, and so on. The Tianjin Municipal Office of the autonomous regions and the same trades At the same time, the trade unions and the educational associations expressed strong opposition to this, and asked the party and government authorities to quickly stop the price increase. There were no results in the negotiation between the municipal government and the tram company. At the same time, under the initiative and guidance of the municipal Party ministry, the trade unions of Tianjin formed a committee against the trolley price increase, and organized an inspection team to speak on trams all the way. Members of the public do not buy tickets by tram, which puts pressure on the company in this way.
With the operation of the inspection team, the trade unions in Tianjin began to generate profit differentiation. Some groups represented by the tram trade union were not only dissatisfied with the movement mode of the inspection team, but also directed at the leadership of the municipal Party department behind the team, and launched the "party Ministry Liu Butong" movement. The "drive Liu" movement, such as the power trade union and the tram trade union, is intertwined and confronting. The clashes between the picket team and the trolley worker, the tramcar workers' strike protest team, the tram price increasing trend are increasing. The tram pricing problem has not been solved by the direct connection between the Belgian consul and the Hebei provincial government.
After the strike of the tram workers, the city government banned the operation of the inspection team. The whole Party Liu was transferred to the Tianjin and the "drive Liu" movement ended. The party and government authorities of the city of Tianjin took the joint meeting of the party and the government to restore the original price. The company refused to listen to the order, and the Belgian ambassador to China was involved with the Beiping appeasement office and the Ministry of foreign affairs. The commercial disputes rose to the diplomatic position. The dispute ended with the legalization of the trolley price increase. The company paid 60 thousand yuan to the government to pay the charity. Then, the trolley workers increased their earnings as a result of the company's profit. The way to protest the company, in the provincial and municipal Party and government organs under the coordination of mediation, the incident finally subsided.
Through the dynamic analysis of the event process, this paper analyzes the game and interaction of all parties in the dispute. The civil group is opposed to a certain nationalist sentiment, but mainly for the maintenance of its own interests, which embodies the consciousness of the citizens and the consciousness of the main body. The government has always been in a passive position. The escalation of events from commercial disputes to diplomatic mediation fully proves the weakness of the local government. The municipal Party Department tries to solve the problems by sports and challenges the authority of the local government, but loses the heart of the people in the movement. The party and government of the city of Tianjin has gone from departure to cooperation. In the event, tram trade unions showed that the tram trade union The perfection of the organization and the internal unity, whether it was against the picket team in the campaign against the trolley fare, the protest of the party department, or the neglect of the workers in the labor dispute, and the protest of the tram company, were the criteria for the workers to strive for the best interests.
【學(xué)位授予單位】：華中師范大學(xué)
【學(xué)位級別】：碩士
【學(xué)位授予年份】：2012
【分類號】：F572.89;K263

【參考文獻(xiàn)】

相關(guān)期刊論文 前10條

1 方旭紅;南京國民政府縣級政權(quán)的運(yùn)作機(jī)制:1927—1937年[J];安徽史學(xué);2005年02期

2 魏文享;雇主團(tuán)體與勞資關(guān)系——近代工商同業(yè)公會(huì)與勞資糾紛的處理[J];安徽史學(xué);2005年05期

3 岳謙厚;田明;;輿論傳媒、社會(huì)動(dòng)員與權(quán)益博弈——1922年北京政府郵資加價(jià)風(fēng)波之考察[J];安徽史學(xué);2008年02期

4 王煦;;1912年～1937年北京公用事業(yè)發(fā)展中的市民維權(quán)活動(dòng)[J];北京社會(huì)科學(xué);2008年06期

5 黃嶺峻;王運(yùn)陽;;工人沖突、政府介入與經(jīng)濟(jì)秩序(上)——以20世紀(jì)40年代后期武漢地區(qū)碼頭糾紛事件為中心的考察[J];長江論壇;2007年06期

6 黃嶺峻;王運(yùn)陽;;工人沖突、政府介入與經(jīng)濟(jì)秩序(下)——以20世紀(jì)40年代后期武漢地區(qū)碼頭糾紛事件為中心的考察[J];長江論壇;2008年01期

7 嚴(yán)國海;;公用事業(yè)的特許經(jīng)營與價(jià)格監(jiān)管——以近代上海民營水電業(yè)為例的考察[J];財(cái)經(jīng)研究;2010年07期

8 田彤;;黨權(quán)、法律與店東糾紛——以1933年蘇州鐵路飯店為分析案例[J];廣東社會(huì)科學(xué);2010年05期

9 彭貴珍;;近三十年來中國勞資爭議史研究綜述[J];中國勞動(dòng)關(guān)系學(xué)院學(xué)報(bào);2010年02期

10 王仲;國民黨與商會(huì)——一例勞資糾紛案折射出國民黨政權(quán)建立后商會(huì)權(quán)利的淪喪[J];華東理工大學(xué)學(xué)報(bào)(社會(huì)科學(xué)版);2003年03期

相關(guān)博士學(xué)位論文 前2條

1 田湘波;中國國民黨黨政體制剖析1927-1937[D];湖南師范大學(xué);2004年

2 陳文彬;近代化進(jìn)程中的上海城市公共交通研究（1908—1937）[D];復(fù)旦大學(xué);2004年

相關(guān)碩士學(xué)位論文 前3條

1 谷銀波;清末民初的京師自來水公司[D];鄭州大學(xué);2003年

2 李玉梅;北洋政府時(shí)期的北京電車公司[D];河北大學(xué);2009年

3 李蓉;清末民族資本投資近代城市水電公用事業(yè)問題初探（1900-1911）[D];湖南師范大學(xué);2010年

，

本文編號：2140183