本文選題：技術(shù)政治 + 決斷�。� 參考：《西南政法大學(xué)》2010年碩士論文

【摘要】： 技術(shù)政治,或者說(shuō)將政治作為一種技術(shù),是現(xiàn)代性之多重面向的一個(gè)極端表現(xiàn)。它至少給我們帶來(lái)了兩個(gè)層面的基本問(wèn)題,包括：一方面,在中立化、知識(shí)化、技術(shù)化等純粹形式的因素的嚴(yán)密禁錮下,政治被迫走向權(quán)力政治的反面,走向普遍平庸,這使得政治共同體無(wú)法走向興盛；另一方面,作為頭一個(gè)問(wèn)題的必然結(jié)果,政治在淪為了一種空洞的形式后,隨即引發(fā)了浪漫派用永恒交談的口水將真正的決斷溺死的可怖現(xiàn)象,現(xiàn)實(shí)對(duì)決斷的熱切需求也因此與技術(shù)政治構(gòu)成了尖銳的矛盾,這使得政治共同體無(wú)法完成自保。 對(duì)于技術(shù)政治的趨向、內(nèi)在的邏輯缺陷以及由它所造成的前所未有的去政治化景象,韋伯和施米特都有著極其敏銳的察覺(jué)和深刻的剖析,他們極大地拓展了技術(shù)政治論的問(wèn)題域,而在這個(gè)過(guò)程中,兩人的關(guān)懷重點(diǎn)是十分接近的,處理問(wèn)題的方式也多有耦合。據(jù)此,本論文正是以韋伯和施米特的理論脈絡(luò)為分析骨干,通過(guò)對(duì)思想家真正的問(wèn)題意識(shí)所在的認(rèn)真發(fā)掘,以期能獲得一種關(guān)于技術(shù)政治問(wèn)題的歷史性、原初性的理解。全文正文分為四個(gè)部分： 第一部分以韋伯的關(guān)懷引出全文的問(wèn)題。作為社會(huì)科學(xué)家的韋伯將時(shí)代的基本特征歸結(jié)為全面理性化,政治也隨之抽象化為一種技術(shù)政治。站在價(jià)值中立的立場(chǎng)上,韋伯對(duì)技術(shù)政治所支配的德國(guó)官僚政治的庸俗現(xiàn)狀表示承認(rèn)和理解,但作為德意志人的韋伯卻因?yàn)檫@個(gè)現(xiàn)實(shí)難掩一種沉重的失落感。他迫切希望有真正的政治家能站出來(lái),一掃官僚政治的積弊,帶領(lǐng)德國(guó)重又躋身權(quán)力國(guó)家之列。政治家的產(chǎn)生需要有合適的制度環(huán)境,對(duì)此,韋伯先后寄望于議會(huì)制和總統(tǒng)普選制。 第二部分首先闡述了韋伯對(duì)國(guó)家政治任務(wù)之看法的徹底改變。在歐戰(zhàn)前,韋伯所關(guān)切的與其說(shuō)是摧毀技術(shù)政治,不如說(shuō)是怎樣才能使德國(guó)在技術(shù)政治支配的世界格局中謀得一席之地,在他看來(lái),既能拿取技術(shù)政治之利又能回避技術(shù)政治之禍的西方國(guó)家無(wú)疑是值得德國(guó)學(xué)習(xí)的榜樣。但在歐戰(zhàn)這場(chǎng)大國(guó)之戰(zhàn)將所謂文明國(guó)家的冷酷本質(zhì)徹底暴露于韋伯的眼前之后,他轉(zhuǎn)而要求德國(guó)應(yīng)當(dāng)謀取另一種獨(dú)特的政治文化,來(lái)與其他技術(shù)化的現(xiàn)代國(guó)家進(jìn)行兩種命運(yùn)間的對(duì)抗。但天不假年,韋伯的思考未能更具體下去。 施米特接續(xù)了韋伯的問(wèn)題意識(shí),且有相當(dāng)大的創(chuàng)見(jiàn)。與韋伯對(duì)現(xiàn)代社會(huì)的理性化、技術(shù)化判斷相呼應(yīng),施米特先是重述了四百年來(lái)中立化領(lǐng)域的歷史變遷,指出技術(shù)和技術(shù)性所造成的中立化現(xiàn)今已經(jīng)蔓延到了包括國(guó)家在內(nèi)的一切領(lǐng)域,繼而敏銳地覺(jué)察到,國(guó)家的中立化抹煞了政治與非政治在性質(zhì)上的區(qū)分,并在德國(guó)引起了反決斷之浪漫主義泛濫的不良現(xiàn)象。如上情形不僅模糊了對(duì)政治首先是一種生存斗爭(zhēng)的認(rèn)知,更阻礙了作為政治的先在范疇的決斷之確立。對(duì)此,施米特的關(guān)鍵任務(wù)就是厘清政治領(lǐng)域諸概念,而這一切又都必須圍繞決斷來(lái)闡發(fā)。 第三部分是對(duì)施米特決斷論思想的具體展開(kāi)。施米特所謂的決斷可析為法學(xué)的決斷、政治統(tǒng)一體的決斷和主權(quán)者的決斷三個(gè)維度,與本文主題有關(guān)的是后兩者。政治統(tǒng)一體經(jīng)由劃分朋友和敵人的決斷而獲得自身統(tǒng)一的和公共的政治性,這種決斷的資格就是戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)法權(quán),其既定義了政治統(tǒng)一體及其秩序,又必須由政治統(tǒng)一體專擅。政治統(tǒng)一體建構(gòu)自身的行為由主權(quán)者以對(duì)法外之非常狀態(tài)的決斷來(lái)顯現(xiàn),此行為不僅證明了主權(quán)是事實(shí)上和法律上的最高正當(dāng)權(quán)威,同時(shí)又揭示了政治國(guó)家與法律規(guī)范的真正關(guān)系,即決斷建立法律,而不是相反。因此,決斷的概念必須在生存的具體處境中來(lái)理解,反過(guò)來(lái)也可得出這樣的結(jié)論,誰(shuí)阻礙了這兩種決斷的作出,誰(shuí)就是要取消政治統(tǒng)一體-主權(quán)者-民族國(guó)家這些政治范疇的生存權(quán)利,誰(shuí)就是必須要被消滅的敵人。 第四部分的內(nèi)容闡述施米特在決斷論的立場(chǎng)上對(duì)反決斷的議會(huì)制和法治國(guó)理論的批判。議會(huì)制為技術(shù)政治所侵蝕,如今陷入了一種故意拖延決斷和作假?zèng)Q斷的境地,因而再無(wú)資格擔(dān)當(dāng)全民的代表。如果人們繼續(xù)坐視議會(huì)斗爭(zhēng)割裂政治共同體的肌理,繼續(xù)坐視議會(huì)議而不決,最終將會(huì)導(dǎo)致政治共同體在關(guān)鍵時(shí)刻喪失決斷敵友的政治能力而被消滅；要求政治消亡并用技術(shù)取而代之的還有形式主義的法治國(guó)理論。法治國(guó)理論認(rèn)為法律在邏輯上可以將國(guó)家完全吞沒(méi),一切國(guó)家行為都應(yīng)當(dāng)以法律行為的面目出現(xiàn),這也就等于否認(rèn)了非常狀態(tài)存在的可能性。由此出發(fā),法治國(guó)必然天真地要求取消國(guó)家生活中的一切人格要素,取消主權(quán)者的決斷及其本身的存在。這種偏頗的理論給政治實(shí)踐帶來(lái)的影響是極具破壞性的,它將魏瑪政制引入了對(duì)一種中立的司法國(guó)的迷思——這正是魏瑪民國(guó)的不歸之途。
[Abstract]:Technical politics, or politics as a technology, is an extreme manifestation of the multiplicity of modernity. It brings us at least two basic problems, including: on the one hand, the strict prohibition of pure form factors such as neutralization, knowledge, technology and so on, political forces are forced to move towards the opposite side of power politics and go to the general. On the other hand, as the inevitable result of the first problem, the political community, on the other hand, became a hollow form and then triggered the horror of the Romantics who drowned the real decision in the mouth of the eternal conversation, and the realistic demand for the decision was made up with the technical politics. Sharp contradictions, which makes the political community unable to complete self-protection.
As for the trend of technical politics, the inherent logic defect and the unprecedented dispoliticization caused by it, Webb and Schmitt have extremely keen perceptive and profound analysis. They have greatly expanded the domain of technical politics. In this process, the focus of the two people is very close. According to this, this thesis is based on the theoretical skeleton of Webb and Schmitt as the backbone of the analysis, and through the earnest excavations of the real problem consciousness of the thinkers, in order to obtain a historical and original understanding of the technical and political problems. The text is divided into four parts:
The first part leads to the question of the full text with the concern of Webb. As a social scientist, Webb attributes the basic characteristics of the times to the overall rationalization and the political abstraction into a kind of technical politics. On the standpoint of value neutrality, Webb recognizes and understands the vulgar status of the political affairs of German officials, which are dominated by technical politics. Webb, a German man, has a heavy loss of sense of loss because of this reality. He is eager to have a real politician who can stand out, sweep the corruption of bureaucracy and lead Germany into a list of power countries. The emergence of a politician needs a suitable institutional environment. In this case, Webb successively hopes parliamentary system and President PU. Choose the system.
The second part first expounds the thorough change of Webb's views on the political mission of the country. Before the war, Webb was concerned about the destruction of the technical politics, and how it could make Germany get a place in the world pattern dominated by technology and politics. In his view, he could take both technical and political advantages and avoid technical politics. The misfortune of the western countries is undoubtedly a good example for German study. But after the war of the great power of Europe exposes the cool nature of the so-called civilized nation to Webb's eyes, he turns to Germany to seek another unique political culture to fight the two fate of other technicalization countries. In the last year, Webb's thinking failed to be more specific.
Schmitt took over Webb's problem consciousness and had considerable originality. It echoed Webb's rationalization and technical judgment of modern society. Schmitt first restated the historical changes in the field of neutralization in the past four hundred years, and pointed out that the neutralization of technology and technology has now spread to all fields, including the state, Then it is acutely aware that the neutralization of the state has erased the distinction between politics and non politics in nature, and in Germany has caused a bad phenomenon of the overflowing of Romanticism in the anti determination. As the above situation not only blurred the cognition of politics first, but also hindered the establishment of the first categorical decision for politics. Schmitt's key task is to clarify the concepts in the political field, which must be elucidated around decisions.
The third part is the concrete expansion of Schmitt's decision theory. Schmitt's so-called decision can be analyzed as the decision of the law, the decision of the political unity and the decision of the sovereign. The latter two are related to the theme of this article. The political unity obtains its own unity and public politics by dividing the decision of dividing friends and enemies. The qualification of this decision is the right of war, which not only defines the political unity and its order, but also has to be authorized by the political unity. The political unity is constructed by the political unity, which is manifested by the decision of the sovereign to the extraordinary state of the law, which not only proves the supreme and legal authority of the matter, but also the supreme authority of the law. The true relationship between the political state and the legal norms, that is, the decision to establish the law, is not the opposite. Therefore, the concept of decision must be understood in the specific situation of existence, and in turn can draw such a conclusion, who hinders the two decisions, and who is to remove the political unity - the Sovereign - national state. The right to exist is the enemy who must be annihilated.
The fourth part expounds Schmitt's criticism of the anti decisive parliamentary system and the theory of the rule of law in the position of the decisive theory. The parliamentary system is eroded by technical politics and is now in a situation where the decision is deliberately delayed and the decision is made, so it is no longer qualified to act as the representative of the whole people. The texture of the community, continuing to sit down with the conference, will eventually lead to the elimination of the political community in which the political community loses the political ability to determine the enemy and the enemy at a critical moment, and the theory of the rule of law that requires political demise and replaced by technology. The rule of law states that the law can completely swallow the state in logic. The act of state should all appear in the face of legal action, which is the same as denying the possibility of the existence of a very state. From this, the rule of law must naively demand the abolition of all personality elements in the country's life, the decision of the sovereign and its own existence. This biased theory has a great influence on political practice. Destructive, it introduced Weimar's political system into a myth of a neutral France, which is the way of Weimar's Republic of China's return.
【學(xué)位授予單位】：西南政法大學(xué)
【學(xué)位級(jí)別】：碩士
【學(xué)位授予年份】：2010
【分類號(hào)】：D0

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