1949年新中國成立之際到朝鮮戰(zhàn)爭爆發(fā)美國對(duì)臺(tái)政策研究
發(fā)布時(shí)間：2018-08-05 11:56
【摘要】：在美國對(duì)臺(tái)灣政策的演變問題上,史學(xué)界一般傾向于按時(shí)間段十分明確的劃分出美國政策演變的各個(gè)階段,并探討各個(gè)階段具體不同的政策以及該政策出臺(tái)的原因和造成的影響。臺(tái)灣問題開始牽扯到中美雙方,需要追溯到二戰(zhàn)之后,尤其是中國內(nèi)戰(zhàn)爆發(fā)后,1948年春美國開始考慮將臺(tái)灣問題從大陸問題分離出去。至此,美國,中國共產(chǎn)黨,中國國民黨以及蘇聯(lián)之間復(fù)雜的關(guān)系,以及中國革命的成功,朝鮮戰(zhàn)爭的爆發(fā)等重大事件,都是造成臺(tái)灣問題遺留至今的源頭所在。1949年中國革命成功前后到1950年6月朝鮮戰(zhàn)爭爆發(fā),美國對(duì)臺(tái)灣政策發(fā)生的變化,一般認(rèn)為是經(jīng)歷了一個(gè)從“不干涉”、“與沉船拉開距離”到用武力公開“干涉”的轉(zhuǎn)變,兩種政策有兩個(gè)標(biāo)志性的事件,1950年1月5日杜魯門發(fā)表一項(xiàng)聲稱尊重中國領(lǐng)土主權(quán)完整,遵守《開羅宣言》中所確定的對(duì)臺(tái)灣所持的立場,不干涉中國內(nèi)政的聲明,這作為美國從臺(tái)灣的“脫身政策”的標(biāo)志,1950年6月25日朝鮮戰(zhàn)爭爆發(fā),兩天后第七艦隊(duì)就接到來自杜魯門總統(tǒng)的命令,進(jìn)入臺(tái)灣海峽,使臺(tái)灣“中立化”,這一事件則被視為美國向“干涉”臺(tái)灣政策轉(zhuǎn)變的標(biāo)志。 本文從1948年秋中國內(nèi)戰(zhàn)形勢發(fā)生變化這一時(shí)期開始,對(duì)美國的對(duì)華政策,尤其是在這一背景下的美國對(duì)臺(tái)政策著手探討,重點(diǎn)考察美國在新中國成立前夕到朝鮮戰(zhàn)爭爆發(fā)美國對(duì)臺(tái)灣政策的重大轉(zhuǎn)變。其中問題的關(guān)鍵是朝鮮戰(zhàn)爭的爆發(fā)是不是美國對(duì)臺(tái)政策的轉(zhuǎn)折點(diǎn),還是說朝鮮戰(zhàn)爭為美國提供了一個(gè)契機(jī),使美國重新回到延續(xù)其固有臺(tái)灣政策的道路上,或者直接說,是朝鮮戰(zhàn)爭使干涉臺(tái)灣的政策從暗處走向了明處。 本文正文分為五個(gè)部分： 首先是緒論部分。主要介紹了本文的選題目的和選題意義,國內(nèi)外相關(guān)問題的研究現(xiàn)狀,以及本文的研究方法和研究思路。 第一章：臺(tái)灣問題是中國內(nèi)戰(zhàn)的遺留問題,也是美國對(duì)華政策的重要組成部分,因此第一章對(duì)抗戰(zhàn)后期到新中國成立前夕美國的對(duì)華政策進(jìn)行較為系統(tǒng)的闡述,從“扶蔣反共”到搶救“沉船”再到與“沉船”拉開距離,美國每一步政策的變化都是國際形勢和中國國共形勢變化的結(jié)果,也直接影響了美國的臺(tái)灣政策的制定。本章第三節(jié)對(duì)這一時(shí)期美國的臺(tái)灣政策進(jìn)行系統(tǒng)闡述,這也是美國對(duì)臺(tái)政策由來的起點(diǎn)所在。 第二章：新中國成立前后到朝鮮戰(zhàn)爭爆發(fā)前的美國對(duì)臺(tái)政策。這一部分是本文的重點(diǎn)章節(jié)。這一時(shí)期美國的對(duì)臺(tái)政策呈現(xiàn)出來一定的搖擺不定和復(fù)雜性。杜魯門最終發(fā)表一個(gè)聲明,宣稱不干涉中國內(nèi)政,承認(rèn)臺(tái)灣是中國的一部分。但本文認(rèn)為這個(gè)聲明并不一定代表美國政府的真實(shí)意圖,首先聲明本身就為以后可能出現(xiàn)的變數(shù)埋下伏筆,其次杜魯門聲明發(fā)表之后美國仍然繼續(xù)對(duì)臺(tái)灣國民黨政權(quán)的援助,表明美國并未真正從臺(tái)灣“撒手”,表面看,杜魯門確實(shí)明確表示要從中國脫身,不干涉臺(tái)灣,但是不公開干涉并不表示放棄臺(tái)灣。杜魯門聲明的發(fā)表是許多原因造成的,除了美國國內(nèi)激烈的爭吵之外,國際層面上,美國擔(dān)心蘇聯(lián)的介入,并引起中國仇視美國的民族主義情緒,美臺(tái)雙邊關(guān)系事實(shí)上也存在一些矛盾,加之那時(shí)候的中國人民解放軍也不具備解放臺(tái)灣的實(shí)力等。 第三章：朝鮮戰(zhàn)爭爆發(fā)后的美國對(duì)臺(tái)政策,主要是杜魯門執(zhí)政時(shí)期。朝鮮戰(zhàn)爭爆發(fā)后,美國對(duì)臺(tái)干涉政策公開化。美國將第七艦隊(duì)開進(jìn)臺(tái)灣海峽,使得臺(tái)灣“中立化”,阻止中國人民解放臺(tái)灣,同時(shí)也阻止蔣介石反攻大陸；另外在臺(tái)灣主權(quán)歸屬問題上,美國的立場明顯出現(xiàn)倒退,拋出“臺(tái)灣主權(quán)未定論”。美國這么做主要是出于懼怕和遏制共產(chǎn)主義的需要,出于國家安全考慮,美國絕不允許臺(tái)灣落入共產(chǎn)黨之手。同時(shí)美國國內(nèi)興起的麥卡錫主義,對(duì)杜魯門政府的對(duì)華政策進(jìn)行批評(píng),這也導(dǎo)致主張對(duì)共產(chǎn)主義表示強(qiáng)硬的一派取得話語權(quán)。 最后一部分是余論。在這個(gè)部分,作者進(jìn)一步闡述美國出于戰(zhàn)略意義的考慮是沒有也不會(huì)放棄臺(tái)灣。因?yàn)榕_(tái)灣對(duì)于美國具備很重要的戰(zhàn)略意義和意識(shí)形態(tài)意義,美國會(huì)一直與中國大打臺(tái)灣牌。另外作者還得出了三個(gè)結(jié)論,一是政策手段的變化并不代表政策目標(biāo)的變化；二是在考量美國對(duì)臺(tái)政策的復(fù)雜性時(shí),不可忽略美臺(tái)這組關(guān)系,他們之間并不是鐵板一塊,事實(shí)上蔣介石與美國在許多問題上的立場都存在一定的矛盾；三是關(guān)于朝鮮戰(zhàn)爭是美國對(duì)臺(tái)政策的轉(zhuǎn)折點(diǎn)這個(gè)問題上,本文認(rèn)為與其是轉(zhuǎn)折點(diǎn),不如說是一個(gè)契機(jī),一個(gè)美國想要轉(zhuǎn)變醞釀多時(shí)的對(duì)臺(tái)政策的契機(jī)。在本文的最后,是對(duì)臺(tái)灣問題的解決,最終實(shí)現(xiàn)全中國統(tǒng)一提出了三點(diǎn)展望。
[Abstract]:On the issue of the evolution of the Taiwan policy in the United States, the historians generally tend to define the various stages of the evolution of the United States policy in a very clear time period, and discuss the specific policies at various stages and the reasons and effects of the policy. The Taiwan issue has begun to lead to the two sides of the United States and the United States, which should be traced back to the Second World War, especially after the Second World War. After the outbreak of the civil war in China, the United States began to consider the separation of Taiwan from the continental issue in the spring of 1948. At this point, the complex relations between the United States, the Communist Party of China, the Chinese Kuomintang and the Soviet Union, the success of the Chinese revolution, the outbreak of the Korean War and other major events were the source of the origin of the Taiwan problem to the present time,.1949 In June 1950, the Korean War broke out before and after the success of the Chinese revolution. The change in American policy on Taiwan was generally considered to be a transition from "non-interference" to "the distance from the wreck" to the open "interference" by force. There were two landmark events in the two policies. In January 5, 1950, Truman published a claim of respect. The sovereignty of China is full of sovereignty, the declaration of the position held in the Cairo declaration and the non interference in the internal affairs of China, as set out in the Cairo declaration, is the symbol of the "escape policy" from Taiwan. In June 25, 1950, the Korean War broke out, and the seventh fleet received the order from President Truman to enter the Taiwan Straits and make Taiwan into the Taiwan Straits. "Neutralization" is seen as a sign that the United States has changed its policy of "interfering" with Taiwan.
Beginning with the change of the Chinese civil war in the autumn of 1948, this paper begins with the policy of the United States to China, especially in this context, and focuses on the major changes in the United States' policy on Taiwan in the United States in the Korean War on the eve of the founding of new China. The key to the issue is the outbreak of the Korean War. Is it a turning point in American policy towards Taiwan, or is it that the Korean War has provided an opportunity for the United States to return to the road to the continuation of its inherent Taiwan policy, or, directly, that the Korean War has led to the policy of interference in Taiwan from the dark to the clear.
The text of this article is divided into five parts:
The first part is the introduction part, which mainly introduces the purpose and significance of the topic, the current research status of related issues at home and abroad, and the research methods and research ideas of this article.
Chapter 1: the question of Taiwan is a legacy of the Chinese civil war and an important part of the American policy towards China. So the first chapter is a systematic exposition of the American policy on China on the eve of the late Anti Japanese War and the eve of the founding of new China, from "helping Chiang Chiang anti Communist" to "salvaging" "wreck" and "sinking ship" to the "sinking ship", and every step of the United States. The change of the policy is the result of the international situation and the changes in the situation of China's Kuomintang and the Communist Party. It also directly affects the formulation of Taiwan policy in the United States. The third section of this chapter gives a systematic exposition of the Taiwan policy of the United States in this period, which is the starting point of the origin of the American policy on Taiwan.
The second chapter: the United States policy to Taiwan before and after the founding of the Korean War before and after the founding of the new China. This part is the key chapter of this article. In this period, the American policy on Taiwan presented a certain swing and complexity. Truman finally issued a statement declaring that it did not interfere in China's internal affairs, and that Taiwan was part of China. The statement does not necessarily represent the true intentions of the United States government. It first declares itself for the future possible variables, followed by Truman's statement that the United States continued to help the Kuomintang regime in Taiwan, indicating that the United States did not really "give up" from Taiwan. On the surface, Truman did clearly express it. To get out of China and not interfere in Taiwan, but not to interfere in public intervention does not mean to give up Taiwan. The publication of the Truman statement is caused by many reasons. In addition to the fierce domestic quarrel in the United States, the United States is worried about the Soviet intervention and causes China to hate the American nationalism, and the bilateral relations between the United States and Taiwan actually exist. Some contradictions and the PLA did not have the strength to liberate Taiwan at that time.
The third chapter: after the outbreak of the Korean War, the American policy on Taiwan was mainly the period of Truman's ruling. After the outbreak of the Korean War, the American interference policy was open. The United States opened the seventh fleet into the Taiwan Strait, made Taiwan "neutralized", prevented the Chinese people from liberating Taiwan, and also prevented Jiang Jieshi from counterattack on the mainland in the same time; in addition, the Taiwan owners were also in the Taiwan. On the issue of ownership, the American position was obviously retrogression, and the "Taiwan sovereignty unsettled" was thrown out. The United States did so mainly out of fear and containment of communism. For national security, the United States would never allow Taiwan to fall into the hands of the Communist Party. At the same time, the Mccarthy doctrine in the United States and the administration of the Truman administration to the government of the United States. Policy criticism also led to advocating a strong voice for communism.
The last part is Yu. In this part, the author further states that America's strategic consideration is not and will not give up Taiwan. Because Taiwan has a very important strategic and ideological significance to the United States, the United States will always play Taiwan with China. The others have reached three conclusions, one is policy means. The change does not represent the change of the policy goal; two is that when examining the complexity of the US policy to Taiwan, the relationship between the United States and Taiwan should not be ignored, which is not a piece of iron. In fact, there is a certain contradiction between Jiang Jieshi and the United States on many issues; the three is that the Korean War is the turning point of the US policy to Taiwan. On this issue, this article thinks that it is a turning point rather than an opportunity for the United States to change the opportunity to develop a multi time policy to Taiwan. At the end of this article, it is a three point prospect for the settlement of the Taiwan problem and the final realization of the unification of the whole China.
【學(xué)位授予單位】：南京大學(xué)
【學(xué)位級(jí)別】：碩士
【學(xué)位授予年份】：2012
【分類號(hào)】：D871.2
本文編號(hào)：2165726
[Abstract]:On the issue of the evolution of the Taiwan policy in the United States, the historians generally tend to define the various stages of the evolution of the United States policy in a very clear time period, and discuss the specific policies at various stages and the reasons and effects of the policy. The Taiwan issue has begun to lead to the two sides of the United States and the United States, which should be traced back to the Second World War, especially after the Second World War. After the outbreak of the civil war in China, the United States began to consider the separation of Taiwan from the continental issue in the spring of 1948. At this point, the complex relations between the United States, the Communist Party of China, the Chinese Kuomintang and the Soviet Union, the success of the Chinese revolution, the outbreak of the Korean War and other major events were the source of the origin of the Taiwan problem to the present time,.1949 In June 1950, the Korean War broke out before and after the success of the Chinese revolution. The change in American policy on Taiwan was generally considered to be a transition from "non-interference" to "the distance from the wreck" to the open "interference" by force. There were two landmark events in the two policies. In January 5, 1950, Truman published a claim of respect. The sovereignty of China is full of sovereignty, the declaration of the position held in the Cairo declaration and the non interference in the internal affairs of China, as set out in the Cairo declaration, is the symbol of the "escape policy" from Taiwan. In June 25, 1950, the Korean War broke out, and the seventh fleet received the order from President Truman to enter the Taiwan Straits and make Taiwan into the Taiwan Straits. "Neutralization" is seen as a sign that the United States has changed its policy of "interfering" with Taiwan.
Beginning with the change of the Chinese civil war in the autumn of 1948, this paper begins with the policy of the United States to China, especially in this context, and focuses on the major changes in the United States' policy on Taiwan in the United States in the Korean War on the eve of the founding of new China. The key to the issue is the outbreak of the Korean War. Is it a turning point in American policy towards Taiwan, or is it that the Korean War has provided an opportunity for the United States to return to the road to the continuation of its inherent Taiwan policy, or, directly, that the Korean War has led to the policy of interference in Taiwan from the dark to the clear.
The text of this article is divided into five parts:
The first part is the introduction part, which mainly introduces the purpose and significance of the topic, the current research status of related issues at home and abroad, and the research methods and research ideas of this article.
Chapter 1: the question of Taiwan is a legacy of the Chinese civil war and an important part of the American policy towards China. So the first chapter is a systematic exposition of the American policy on China on the eve of the late Anti Japanese War and the eve of the founding of new China, from "helping Chiang Chiang anti Communist" to "salvaging" "wreck" and "sinking ship" to the "sinking ship", and every step of the United States. The change of the policy is the result of the international situation and the changes in the situation of China's Kuomintang and the Communist Party. It also directly affects the formulation of Taiwan policy in the United States. The third section of this chapter gives a systematic exposition of the Taiwan policy of the United States in this period, which is the starting point of the origin of the American policy on Taiwan.
The second chapter: the United States policy to Taiwan before and after the founding of the Korean War before and after the founding of the new China. This part is the key chapter of this article. In this period, the American policy on Taiwan presented a certain swing and complexity. Truman finally issued a statement declaring that it did not interfere in China's internal affairs, and that Taiwan was part of China. The statement does not necessarily represent the true intentions of the United States government. It first declares itself for the future possible variables, followed by Truman's statement that the United States continued to help the Kuomintang regime in Taiwan, indicating that the United States did not really "give up" from Taiwan. On the surface, Truman did clearly express it. To get out of China and not interfere in Taiwan, but not to interfere in public intervention does not mean to give up Taiwan. The publication of the Truman statement is caused by many reasons. In addition to the fierce domestic quarrel in the United States, the United States is worried about the Soviet intervention and causes China to hate the American nationalism, and the bilateral relations between the United States and Taiwan actually exist. Some contradictions and the PLA did not have the strength to liberate Taiwan at that time.
The third chapter: after the outbreak of the Korean War, the American policy on Taiwan was mainly the period of Truman's ruling. After the outbreak of the Korean War, the American interference policy was open. The United States opened the seventh fleet into the Taiwan Strait, made Taiwan "neutralized", prevented the Chinese people from liberating Taiwan, and also prevented Jiang Jieshi from counterattack on the mainland in the same time; in addition, the Taiwan owners were also in the Taiwan. On the issue of ownership, the American position was obviously retrogression, and the "Taiwan sovereignty unsettled" was thrown out. The United States did so mainly out of fear and containment of communism. For national security, the United States would never allow Taiwan to fall into the hands of the Communist Party. At the same time, the Mccarthy doctrine in the United States and the administration of the Truman administration to the government of the United States. Policy criticism also led to advocating a strong voice for communism.
The last part is Yu. In this part, the author further states that America's strategic consideration is not and will not give up Taiwan. Because Taiwan has a very important strategic and ideological significance to the United States, the United States will always play Taiwan with China. The others have reached three conclusions, one is policy means. The change does not represent the change of the policy goal; two is that when examining the complexity of the US policy to Taiwan, the relationship between the United States and Taiwan should not be ignored, which is not a piece of iron. In fact, there is a certain contradiction between Jiang Jieshi and the United States on many issues; the three is that the Korean War is the turning point of the US policy to Taiwan. On this issue, this article thinks that it is a turning point rather than an opportunity for the United States to change the opportunity to develop a multi time policy to Taiwan. At the end of this article, it is a three point prospect for the settlement of the Taiwan problem and the final realization of the unification of the whole China.
【學(xué)位授予單位】：南京大學(xué)
【學(xué)位級(jí)別】：碩士
【學(xué)位授予年份】：2012
【分類號(hào)】：D871.2
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