發(fā)布時(shí)間：2018-03-26 00:27

  本文選題：藏語c組聲母　切入點(diǎn)：章組聲母　出處：《南開大學(xué)》2012年博士論文

【摘要】：從藏漢對(duì)音和梵漢對(duì)音材料看， c ch j ń ([ ][ h][ ][ ]，以下簡(jiǎn)稱為c組)這組音與漢字的對(duì)應(yīng)都顯得有些雜亂。與c組相關(guān)的漢藏語同源詞的對(duì)應(yīng)也并不整齊，幾乎遍及知組、章組、精組、端組還有見組字。要理清上述復(fù)雜現(xiàn)象，必須解決藏語c組聲母的音值和來源問題。 本文主要搜集與藏語c組聲母相關(guān)的同族詞、漢藏語同源詞、藏緬語材料，還有《廣韻》又音，以及與漢語中古章組相關(guān)的諧聲字材料，將藏語c組聲母與漢語中古章組聲母來源研究成果進(jìn)行比較，一方面探討藏語c組聲母的音值和來源，另一方面檢討目前研究在方法、材料、結(jié)論等方面還有哪些發(fā)展空間。 我們所搜集的材料顯示，藏語c組聲母的音值為舌面塞擦音，而非舌尖塞擦音或卷舌音。其來源是多方面的，包括舌尖音的腭化、舌根音的腭化，而至于這組聲母是否有腭化雙唇音和腭化舌尖塞擦音來源，還需要進(jìn)一步研究解決。另外，藏語復(fù)輔音Ky形式可能來自于Kr的演變。從詞族材料看，，Kr的語音演變有兩條路徑：其一是Kr-Ky-c-，其二是KrT。我們搜集了一些漢藏語同源詞材料證明上述兩種演變途徑存在的可能。 通過漢語中古章組聲母和藏語c組聲母來源研究的比較，我們發(fā)現(xiàn)，本文所關(guān)注的兩組聲母聲母的來源，有共通之處，即都來源于腭化作用，除了以往研究都有所涉及的腭化舌尖音來源以外，我們還補(bǔ)充了腭化舌根音來源的一些同族詞、漢藏語同源詞，以及相關(guān)藏緬語材料依據(jù)。同時(shí)，我們也發(fā)現(xiàn)不論是章組聲母還是藏語c組聲母，在研究材料上還有待于進(jìn)一步補(bǔ)充，特別是藏語方面的材料，如果能加入更多類似于漢語通假字、異體字方面的材料加以論證，就更能說明問題了。在研究方法上還需要有所突破，單一地使用歷史比較或內(nèi)部構(gòu)擬的方法已經(jīng)不能滿足研究需求，從宏觀的角度綜合多種方法，整合各種方法的優(yōu)點(diǎn)，結(jié)論會(huì)更有說服力。
[Abstract]:The correspondence between the Chinese characters and the Chinese characters in the group c [h] [] [] [] [] [] [] [] [] [] [[] [h] [], hereinafter referred to as "group c") appears to be somewhat chaotic, and the correspondence of the Chinese and Tibetan homologues related to group c is also not neat, almost all over the known groups. In order to clear up the above complex phenomenon, we must solve the problem of the initial sound value and the origin of the group c in Tibetan. This paper mainly collects the congener words related to group C of Tibetan, the homologue of Chinese and Tibetan, the material of Tibetan and Burmese, and the materials of "Guangyun > Huo", as well as the materials of harmonics related to the group of Chinese ancient chapters. By comparing the research results of group C initial consonants in Tibetan language with those in ancient Chinese, on the one hand, this paper discusses the phonetic values and sources of group c consonants in Tibetan language, on the other hand, reviews the development of the current research in terms of methods, materials, conclusions, and so on. The data we have collected show that the initial tone values of group C in Tibetan language are the tongue-face erasure, not the tip of the tongue, or the curly tone. The sources include the palatation of the tip of the tongue, the palatation of the root of the tongue, and the palatation of the root tone of the tongue. As to whether this group of consonants have palatated lips and palatine tongue stopper, they need to be further studied and solved. The Ky form of the complex consonant in Tibetan language may come from the evolution of Kr. There are two paths to the evolution of Kr from lexical materials: Kr-Ky-c-and KrT.We have collected some Chinese and Tibetan homologues to prove the possibility of these two ways of evolution. By comparing the origin of the group consonants in ancient Chinese and group C in Tibetan, we find that the two groups of consonants concerned in this paper have something in common, that is, they all come from palatation. In addition to the palatated tongue tip sound source that has been studied in the past, we also add some of the same family words of palatated tongue root sound source, Chinese and Tibetan homologues, as well as the relevant Tibetan and Burmese language materials. At the same time, We also find that no matter whether it is a group consonant or a group c consonant in Tibetan, the research materials need to be further supplemented, especially in the Tibetan language. If we can add more materials similar to those in Chinese and other characters, we can prove them. It is more illustrative. There is still a need for a breakthrough in research methods. The single use of historical comparisons or methods of internal construction can no longer meet the needs of research. From a macro perspective, we can integrate the advantages of various methods and methods. The conclusion will be more persuasive.
【學(xué)位授予單位】：南開大學(xué)
【學(xué)位級(jí)別】：博士
【學(xué)位授予年份】：2012
【分類號(hào)】：H113;H214

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本文編號(hào)：1665532