發(fā)布時(shí)間：2018-05-02 11:51

  本文選題：剛性維穩(wěn) + 基層政府�。� 參考：《蘇州大學(xué)》2016年博士論文

【摘要】：無論是在解放戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)時(shí)期還是在社會(huì)主義改造,乃至今天現(xiàn)代化建設(shè)中,作為具體形態(tài)的政府動(dòng)員能使黨和國(guó)家在必要時(shí)候集中精力于既定目標(biāo),有效動(dòng)員全社會(huì)的資源為之奮斗,在一些情況下能產(chǎn)生其他管理方式難以企及的施政效應(yīng),在理性官僚制度缺失、公民社會(huì)不成熟和社會(huì)自組織能力弱下的晚發(fā)外生型現(xiàn)代化國(guó)家,政府動(dòng)員至少可以被認(rèn)為是一定約束條件下治理方式的次優(yōu)選擇。然而在改革開放后社會(huì)急劇變革的今天,市場(chǎng)化改革在帶來經(jīng)濟(jì)迅猛發(fā)展的同時(shí),也因資源分配方式的轉(zhuǎn)變使得改革初期國(guó)家統(tǒng)一分配下獲得均等利益的群體逐漸分化,農(nóng)村與小城鎮(zhèn)越來越呈現(xiàn)邊緣化,農(nóng)民與城市失業(yè)者成為弱勢(shì)群體,在改革中感到自身利益受損。而從當(dāng)前國(guó)情而言,又難以在全國(guó)范圍內(nèi)做到絕對(duì)公平,理想與現(xiàn)實(shí)的落差更加劇了基層民眾心中的不公平感,進(jìn)而上升為對(duì)現(xiàn)實(shí)的不滿與對(duì)體制的質(zhì)疑。傳統(tǒng)的“運(yùn)動(dòng)式動(dòng)員”因意識(shí)形態(tài)的式微與政府權(quán)威下墜而效用能力下降,又因管控思維與剛性特征而在權(quán)利意識(shí)至上的今天易遭致反感,而降至次要地位,而不被高頻率使用。在此背景下,“策略化動(dòng)員”因靈活高效、風(fēng)險(xiǎn)較低而成為剛性維穩(wěn)壓力下基層政府日常實(shí)踐中的傾向選擇�！安呗曰瘎�(dòng)員”依賴于具體策略的運(yùn)用,它不是遵循正規(guī)化、理性化的官僚制邏輯,而是一種“策略化”的邏輯。即基層政權(quán)缺乏穩(wěn)定、抽象和普遍主義的運(yùn)作規(guī)則,而是功利主義地將各類方法、技術(shù)、規(guī)則、手段和策略——不論其性質(zhì)和實(shí)施成本如何——作為運(yùn)作的規(guī)則。在當(dāng)前的基層政權(quán)運(yùn)作中,“擺平”或“搞定”是“策略化動(dòng)員”在具體運(yùn)作中的關(guān)鍵詞,同時(shí)也是基層干部對(duì)策略主義邏輯的生動(dòng)解讀。由于鄉(xiāng)土中國(guó)的變遷,當(dāng)前的基層社會(huì)既非完全遵從禮治秩序也非完全基于現(xiàn)代公共規(guī)則行事,而是一個(gè)傳統(tǒng)權(quán)威與規(guī)范缺失、現(xiàn)代權(quán)威與秩序尚未建立、多重規(guī)范和價(jià)值相互競(jìng)爭(zhēng)與并存的“結(jié)構(gòu)混亂”的社會(huì)。在這樣的基層社會(huì)之中,壓力維穩(wěn)與公民維權(quán)雙重壓力之下的基層政府以策略化的邏輯,采用各種非正式策略對(duì)基層社會(huì)進(jìn)行策略治理,往往能夠避免正面沖突,高效解決問題,起到剛性制度難以起到的作用。但非正式策略的運(yùn)用也侵蝕了正式制度的運(yùn)行空間,動(dòng)搖了正式制度的權(quán)威性,也增加了利益主體的機(jī)會(huì)主義行為,嚴(yán)重地影響基層政府合法性的“規(guī)則基礎(chǔ)”,降低基層民眾對(duì)基層政府的信任基礎(chǔ),對(duì)宏觀的國(guó)家治理也構(gòu)成了巨大威脅。從長(zhǎng)遠(yuǎn)來看,基層治理積極追求有效性的過程,也應(yīng)該同時(shí)伴隨著合法性的累積過程。兩個(gè)過程要形成相互促進(jìn)的關(guān)系,政治體系必須把自身的有效性建設(shè)和積累與合法性的累積結(jié)合起來,使有效性建設(shè)包含有合法性的追求�！闭邔�(shí)踐中基層政府需擺脫對(duì)單純“有效性”的依賴,謀求意識(shí)形態(tài)、制度與有效性的有機(jī)結(jié)合,只有民眾真正接受與主動(dòng)認(rèn)同才能構(gòu)建長(zhǎng)久穩(wěn)固的合法性基礎(chǔ)。
[Abstract]:Whether it is in the period of the liberation war or in the socialist transformation, and in today's modernization, the mobilization of the government, as a specific form of government, can make the party and the state concentrate on the established goals, mobilize the resources of the whole society to strive for it, and in some cases can produce the administrative effects that other management methods are difficult to reach. With the lack of rational bureaucrat system, the immature civil society and the weak social self-organization ability, the government mobilization can at least be considered as the suboptimal choice for the governance mode under certain constraints. However, in today's rapid social reform after the reform and opening up, the market-oriented reform has brought the same rapid economic development. At the same time, the transformation of the distribution mode of resources makes the group that obtain the equal benefit gradually differentiate under the unified distribution of the state in the early period of the reform. The rural and small towns are becoming more and more marginalized. The peasants and the urban unemployed become the disadvantaged groups, and they feel their own interests are damaged in the reform. Absolutely fair, the gap between the ideal and the reality aggravates the sense of injustice in the heart of the grass-roots people, and then rises to the discontent of the reality and the question of the system. The traditional "sports mobilization" has fallen because of the decline of the ideology and the authority of the government, and the supremacy of the right consciousness because of the control of thinking and the characteristics of rigidity. In this context, "strategic mobilization" has become a tendency in the daily practice of grass-roots government under rigid and stable pressure in this context. "Strategic mobilization" depends on the use of specific strategies. It does not follow the regularized, rationalized bureaucracy. Logic is a "strategically" logic. That is, the lack of stable, abstract and universalism rules at the grass-roots level, but utilitarian methods, techniques, rules, means and strategies, regardless of their nature and implementation costs, as the rules of operation. "Doing it" is a key word in the concrete operation of "strategic mobilization" and a vivid interpretation of strategic logic at the grass-roots level. Because of the change in local China, the current grass-roots society does not fully comply with the rule of ritual and not entirely based on modern public rules, but a traditional authority and lack of norms and modern rights. In such a grass-roots society, the grass-roots government, under the dual pressure of pressure stability and civil rights, adopts a variety of informal strategies to govern the grass-roots society in such a grass-roots society. The use of the informal strategy has also eroded the operational space of the formal system, shaken the authority of the formal system, increased the opportunistic behavior of the main body, seriously affected the "rule base" of the legitimacy of the grass-roots government, and reduced the grassroots government to the grass-roots administration. In the long run, the process of pursuing the effectiveness of grass-roots governance should also be accompanied by the cumulative process of legitimacy in the long run. The two processes should form a mutually promoting relationship, and the political system must build up its own effectiveness and accumulation and the accumulation of legitimacy. In the policy practice, the grass-roots government should get rid of the dependence on the simple "validity" and seek the organic combination of ideology, system and effectiveness in policy practice. Only the real acceptance and active identification of the people can build a long and stable foundation of legitimacy.

【學(xué)位授予單位】：蘇州大學(xué)
【學(xué)位級(jí)別】：博士
【學(xué)位授予年份】：2016
【分類號(hào)】：D630

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