公私視域下的明末政治思想研究
本文選題:明末 + 公私視域; 參考:《中國政法大學(xué)》2011年博士論文
【摘要】:明代是中國古代皇權(quán)專制加強的一個時期,但是明朝仍然擺脫不了內(nèi)憂外患、進(jìn)而被新王朝取代的歷史宿命。明末以黃宗羲、王夫之、顧炎武為代表的思想家,身處易代之際,痛定思痛,對于君主專制體制進(jìn)行深刻的反思,并提出政治改革的構(gòu)想。 他們的政治批判和體制構(gòu)想是以公私之辨為線索的。君主之私和天下之公的對立為明末政治思想的展開提供了廣闊的空間。明末思想家批判君主之私,認(rèn)為君主之私是王朝所有政治問題的總根源。這種批判的意義首先在于否定了君主專制的合理性。君主專制的合法性建立在君主具備高尚的道德或能為社會提供秩序的功能之上,而君主的自私本性不僅與君主專制理論的前提假設(shè)相違背,更是社會失序、混亂而至覆滅的主要原因。 基于君主的自私,明末思想家提出要調(diào)整君臣之間倫理關(guān)系,原來父子式的君臣關(guān)系被否定,而代之以師友式的平等、獨立關(guān)系。君臣之間以道義而結(jié)合,因天下之公的職能而平等合作。因此,他們提出君臣分權(quán)共治的主張,建立一個以官僚士大夫為主導(dǎo)的政治體制。 他們批判專制君主的法治手段只以維護(hù)自己的產(chǎn)業(yè)為目的,根本不為天下之公著想。法治束縛了官僚士大夫,使他們處于無權(quán)和岌岌自危的狀態(tài),根本就沒有能力和精力去行使公共職能,由此引發(fā)諸多問題,最終導(dǎo)致內(nèi)憂外患。所以,限制君主之私,必須首先廢除君主的一家之法,實行天下之法。 天下之法取代一家之法意味著制度改革,即對于政治體系內(nèi)各個階級、階層、集團(tuán)等政治主體的利益及其相互關(guān)系的調(diào)整和規(guī)范。以天下之公為目的,明末思想家力主強化官僚體系,增強士大夫在教育和人事選拔上的自主性,并通過地方分權(quán)來限制君主之私的擴(kuò)張,同時,他們力主消除宦官和胥吏集團(tuán)在政治體系中的不利影響,并緩和與作為官僚機(jī)構(gòu)服務(wù)對象的農(nóng)民和商人之間的矛盾。 明末思想家還肯定了私和欲的客觀存在和合理性,但認(rèn)為應(yīng)該用理加以規(guī)范和約束。對于那種主張個性和欲望解放、破除一切權(quán)威的思想傾向則予以批駁,重新確定儒家正統(tǒng)思想的合法性。 總之,公私視域下的明末政治思想所構(gòu)建的是一個以官僚士大夫及其意識形態(tài)為主導(dǎo)的政治體制,這是明末政治思想的實質(zhì)和主要目的。
[Abstract]:The Ming Dynasty was a period of strengthening the autocracy in ancient China, but the Ming Dynasty still could not get rid of the internal and external troubles, and then was replaced by the historical fate of the new dynasty. At the end of Ming Dynasty, the thinkers represented by Huang Zongxi, Wang Fuzhi and Gu Yanwu, at the time of the change of generation, reflected deeply on the autocratic monarchy and put forward the idea of political reform. Their political criticism and institutional ideas are based on public-private debate. The opposition between the monarch's private and the universal public provided a wide space for the development of political thought in the late Ming Dynasty. In the late Ming Dynasty, thinkers criticized the private of the monarch, and thought that the private of the monarch was the general root of all the political problems of the dynasty. The significance of this criticism lies in denying the rationality of autocratic monarchy. The legitimacy of autocratic monarchy is based on the monarch having noble morality or the function of providing order for the society, and the monarch's selfish nature is not only contrary to the premise hypothesis of monarchy theory, but also social disorder. The main cause of chaos and extinction. Based on the monarch's selfishness, thinkers proposed to adjust the ethical relationship between monarchs and courtiers in the late Ming Dynasty. The original patriarchal relationship between monarchs and courtiers was denied and replaced by the equal and independent relationship between teachers and friends. The monarch and minister combine with morality and cooperate on an equal footing because of the functions of the public in the world. Therefore, they put forward the idea of the separation of monarchs and ministers and the establishment of a political system dominated by bureaucrats and bureaucrats. They criticized autocratic monarchs' rule of law for the sole purpose of preserving their own property, not for the world at all. The rule of law fetters bureaucrats and bureaucrats, making them in the state of being in danger of having no right or being in danger, and they simply do not have the ability and energy to carry out public functions, which leads to many problems, and finally leads to internal and external troubles. Therefore, to restrict the monarch's privacy, we must first abolish the monarch's law of one family and carry out the law of the world. Replacing the law of one family by the law of the world means the reform of the system, that is, the adjustment and regulation of the interests of the political subjects such as each class, stratum and group in the political system and their mutual relations. Aiming at the public of the world, thinkers in the late Ming Dynasty urged to strengthen the bureaucratic system, strengthen the autonomy of the literati and officials in education and personnel selection, and limit the expansion of the monarch's private interests through decentralization. At the same time, They urged the elimination of the unfavorable influence of eunuchs and petty officials in the political system and the easing of the contradiction with the peasants and merchants who served as bureaucratic objects. At the end of Ming Dynasty, thinkers affirmed the objective existence and rationality of private peace desire, but thought that it should be regulated and restricted by reason. The ideological tendency of personality and desire emancipation is refuted and the legitimacy of Confucian orthodoxy is reconfirmed. In a word, the political ideology of the late Ming Dynasty under the public and private perspective is a political system dominated by bureaucrats and their ideologies, which is the essence and main purpose of the political thoughts of the late Ming Dynasty.
【學(xué)位授予單位】:中國政法大學(xué)
【學(xué)位級別】:博士
【學(xué)位授予年份】:2011
【分類號】:D691;D092
【參考文獻(xiàn)】
相關(guān)期刊論文 前10條
1 王天有;萬歷天啟時期的市民斗爭和東林黨議[J];北京大學(xué)學(xué)報(哲學(xué)社會科學(xué)版);1984年02期
2 朱義祿;;船山公私觀發(fā)微——兼論船山與中國傳統(tǒng)文化[J];船山學(xué)刊;1993年02期
3 溝口雄三,汪婉;中國公私概念的發(fā)展[J];國外社會科學(xué);1998年01期
4 程民生;論宋代士大夫政治對皇權(quán)的限制[J];河南大學(xué)學(xué)報(社會科學(xué)版);1999年03期
5 張其凡;“皇帝與士大夫共治天下”試析——北宋政治架構(gòu)探微[J];暨南學(xué)報(哲學(xué)社會科學(xué)版);2001年06期
6 歐陽琛;;明代的司禮監(jiān)[J];江西師院學(xué)報;1983年04期
7 劉澤華;春秋戰(zhàn)國的“立公滅私”觀念與社會整合(上)[J];南開學(xué)報;2003年04期
8 馮玉榮;;明倫、公議、教化——明末清初明倫堂與江南地方社會[J];史林;2008年02期
9 劉伯涵;;對崇禎末年宮中存銀問題的幾點看法[J];明史研究論叢;1985年00期
10 尹選波;明代學(xué)校生員政治活動述論[J];求是學(xué)刊;1999年04期
相關(guān)會議論文 前1條
1 劉伯涵;;對崇禎末年宮中存銀問題的幾點看法[A];明史研究論叢(第三輯)[C];1985年
,本文編號:2100117
本文鏈接:http://sikaile.net/shekelunwen/zhengzx/2100117.html