湘西苗疆抗戰(zhàn)動員研究（1936-1938）
發(fā)布時間：2018-11-17 15:17
【摘要】：湘西苗疆地區(qū)以“多匪患”廣為人知,但是近代以來,這種力量開始有所轉(zhuǎn)型,尤其是在抗日戰(zhàn)爭時期,國民政府、知識界乃至動亂參與者本身,都有把這種“匪”勢轉(zhuǎn)化為衛(wèi)國戰(zhàn)斗力的嘗試,都試圖通過各種辦法將暗藏在湘西的極易形成“匪”因的社會要素降到最低,已經(jīng)從剿滅、隔離為主的消極對待模式中轉(zhuǎn)變出來,所以,這種情景就完全不同于帝制時期的任何朝代。然而,湘西苗疆民眾在進(jìn)入抗戰(zhàn)動員的過程中,仍有不同于其他地區(qū)的身份選擇,即少數(shù)民族的身份將如何進(jìn)入“中華民族”的視閾中來,而長期的閉塞生存空間內(nèi)又如何在基層社會中呈現(xiàn)“國家在場”。 鑒于學(xué)者們已對中共抗日動員有相當(dāng)豐碩的研究成果,本文就試圖從其他三方面來展開有關(guān)抗戰(zhàn)時期湘西苗疆社會動員景象的論述。第一章以背景分析法,通過對湘西苗疆帝制時期多個層面的動亂原因進(jìn)行梳理,指出存在的歷史問題未予解決而留有的遺患,但同時歸納出這一地區(qū)之所以存在可被動員的社會基礎(chǔ)。第二章從革屯事件內(nèi)部的知識分子層面,考察了在民生至艱且省政府管理多重局限的困境下,其如何進(jìn)行自我動員,最終從“叛亂的匪”之身份,轉(zhuǎn)變?yōu)榭谷沼甑膰伊α�。第三章從知識界的話語傳播層面,考察與湘西有關(guān)的知識分子和媒體如何通過自身話語,將相對傳統(tǒng)的、封閉的苗疆人民帶入一種“國家”與“民族”在場的生活環(huán)境中,從而在精神層面上推動抗戰(zhàn)動員。第四章從湖南省政府的角度分析政府層面的社會動員,由于革屯軍代表、知識界最終都要與政府層面發(fā)生聯(lián)系,所以筆者著重分析何鍵、張治中主導(dǎo)的兩屆省政府對湘西地區(qū)的不同治理模式,并試圖對學(xué)界中長期以來對何鍵的消極評判予以突破,筆者認(rèn)為張治中主湘期間的很多政策會延續(xù)何鍵時期的政治遺產(chǎn),只是在靈活變通與問題輕重上斟酌有效,在否定中有繼承,進(jìn)而將湘西苗疆的抗戰(zhàn)動員推向高潮。 本文的結(jié)論是：動員要將“民族主義”與“民權(quán)”、“民生”相結(jié)合才能有效,不同群體的動員無不圍繞這三個層面來展開,但是相互之間的側(cè)重仍有不同。政府層面在所有動員問題上居于主導(dǎo)地位,“三民主義”是否踐行有效,成為動員過程中的最重要一環(huán)。
[Abstract]:The Miao-jiang area of western Hunan is well known for its "multiple bandits," but since modern times, this force has begun to transform, especially in the period of the Anti-Japanese War, when the national government, intellectuals and even the participants in the turmoil themselves began to transform. There have been attempts to turn this "bandit" force into the fighting capacity of defending the country, and they have tried to minimize the social elements hidden in the west of Hunan that can easily form the "bandit" cause, which has been eliminated from extermination. The segregation-dominated negative treatment model changed, so this situation is completely different from any dynasty during the imperial period. However, in the process of entering the war of resistance and mobilization, the people of Miao-jiang in western Hunan still have their own identity choices different from those in other regions, that is, how the identity of the ethnic minorities will enter the perspective of the "Chinese nation". And the long-term closed living space in the grass-roots society presents a "state presence." In view of the scholars' abundant research results on the mobilization of the Communist Party of China against Japan, this paper attempts to discuss the social mobilization scene of Xiangxi Miajiang during the Anti-Japanese War from the other three aspects. The first chapter by the background analysis, through the Miaojiang Emperor period in Western Hunan to sort out the causes of many levels of unrest, pointing out the existence of historical problems left unsolved, But at the same time, the reason for the existence of this region can be mobilized social basis. In the second chapter, from the intellectual level of the incident of Grayton, the author examines how to mobilize himself under the predicament of people's livelihood to difficult and the provincial government's management more limited, and finally change from the status of "rebel bandits" to the national power of resisting Japan and resisting aggression. The third chapter examines how the intellectuals and media related to Xiangxi bring the relatively traditional and closed Miao-jiang people into a kind of living environment of "state" and "nation" through their own discourse from the level of discourse communication of intellectual circles. In order to promote the spirit of the mobilization of the War of Resistance. The fourth chapter analyzes the social mobilization at the government level from the angle of the Hunan Provincial Government. Because the representatives of the GE Tun Army and the intellectuals will eventually have contact with the government level, the author focuses on what key point. The two provincial governments dominated by Zhang Zhizhong have different governance models in Xiangxi, and try to break through the negative judgment on what key in academic circles for a long time. The author thinks that many policies during the period of Zhang Zhizhong and main Hunan will continue the political heritage of he Jian period. It is only effective in flexibility and importance of problems, inherited in negation, and pushed to the climax of the mobilization of the war of resistance in Xiangxi Miao Xinjiang. The conclusion of this paper is: mobilization must combine "nationalism" with "civil rights" and "people's livelihood" in order to be effective. The mobilization of different groups is carried out around these three levels, but the emphasis on each other is still different. Government plays a leading role in all mobilization issues, and whether the "three people's principles" is effective has become the most important part in the mobilization process.
【學(xué)位授予單位】：中國政法大學(xué)
【學(xué)位級別】：碩士
【學(xué)位授予年份】：2014
【分類號】：K26
本文編號：2338281
[Abstract]:The Miao-jiang area of western Hunan is well known for its "multiple bandits," but since modern times, this force has begun to transform, especially in the period of the Anti-Japanese War, when the national government, intellectuals and even the participants in the turmoil themselves began to transform. There have been attempts to turn this "bandit" force into the fighting capacity of defending the country, and they have tried to minimize the social elements hidden in the west of Hunan that can easily form the "bandit" cause, which has been eliminated from extermination. The segregation-dominated negative treatment model changed, so this situation is completely different from any dynasty during the imperial period. However, in the process of entering the war of resistance and mobilization, the people of Miao-jiang in western Hunan still have their own identity choices different from those in other regions, that is, how the identity of the ethnic minorities will enter the perspective of the "Chinese nation". And the long-term closed living space in the grass-roots society presents a "state presence." In view of the scholars' abundant research results on the mobilization of the Communist Party of China against Japan, this paper attempts to discuss the social mobilization scene of Xiangxi Miajiang during the Anti-Japanese War from the other three aspects. The first chapter by the background analysis, through the Miaojiang Emperor period in Western Hunan to sort out the causes of many levels of unrest, pointing out the existence of historical problems left unsolved, But at the same time, the reason for the existence of this region can be mobilized social basis. In the second chapter, from the intellectual level of the incident of Grayton, the author examines how to mobilize himself under the predicament of people's livelihood to difficult and the provincial government's management more limited, and finally change from the status of "rebel bandits" to the national power of resisting Japan and resisting aggression. The third chapter examines how the intellectuals and media related to Xiangxi bring the relatively traditional and closed Miao-jiang people into a kind of living environment of "state" and "nation" through their own discourse from the level of discourse communication of intellectual circles. In order to promote the spirit of the mobilization of the War of Resistance. The fourth chapter analyzes the social mobilization at the government level from the angle of the Hunan Provincial Government. Because the representatives of the GE Tun Army and the intellectuals will eventually have contact with the government level, the author focuses on what key point. The two provincial governments dominated by Zhang Zhizhong have different governance models in Xiangxi, and try to break through the negative judgment on what key in academic circles for a long time. The author thinks that many policies during the period of Zhang Zhizhong and main Hunan will continue the political heritage of he Jian period. It is only effective in flexibility and importance of problems, inherited in negation, and pushed to the climax of the mobilization of the war of resistance in Xiangxi Miao Xinjiang. The conclusion of this paper is: mobilization must combine "nationalism" with "civil rights" and "people's livelihood" in order to be effective. The mobilization of different groups is carried out around these three levels, but the emphasis on each other is still different. Government plays a leading role in all mobilization issues, and whether the "three people's principles" is effective has become the most important part in the mobilization process.
【學(xué)位授予單位】：中國政法大學(xué)
【學(xué)位級別】：碩士
【學(xué)位授予年份】：2014
【分類號】：K26
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