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社會(huì)變遷中的中國農(nóng)村婚姻與家庭研究(1950-1985)

發(fā)布時(shí)間:2018-08-19 10:24
【摘要】: 從新中國成立到改革開放初期的三十五年(1950—1985),中國農(nóng)村社會(huì)經(jīng)歷了土地改革、社會(huì)主義改造、人民公社化運(yùn)動(dòng)、三年自然災(zāi)害、“三級(jí)所有、隊(duì)為基礎(chǔ)”管理體制的確立、“四清”、“文革”、家庭聯(lián)產(chǎn)承包責(zé)任制建立等一系列的重大的變動(dòng)。每一次重大的變革都給中國農(nóng)村社會(huì)帶來劇烈的影響:或帶來積極的影響,推動(dòng)農(nóng)村社會(huì)的發(fā)展,或帶來災(zāi)難性的打擊,導(dǎo)致了經(jīng)濟(jì)的倒退;或?qū)r(nóng)村少部分人影響巨大,或波及到農(nóng)村中的多數(shù)人;或政治沖擊明顯,經(jīng)濟(jì)和農(nóng)民生活影響甚小,或政治影響不大,經(jīng)濟(jì)和生活受到?jīng)_擊。在諸多反映農(nóng)村社會(huì)生活變化的因素中,農(nóng)村社會(huì)的婚姻與家庭無疑是其中最重要的因子之一,這也是本文的述論所在。 農(nóng)村中的婚姻問題。首先,本文探討了婚姻的準(zhǔn)備階段,即結(jié)識(shí)、擇偶與婚齡。中國農(nóng)村婚姻結(jié)識(shí)方式經(jīng)歷了包辦婚姻→媒人牽線→中間人介紹→自己結(jié)識(shí)的發(fā)展過程,在新中國成立以后的三十五年里,幾個(gè)形式都有體現(xiàn),并且互相交織。從總體上看,中間人介紹是這一時(shí)期的主流。在擇偶時(shí),農(nóng)村青年男女在考慮諸多因素的過程中,門當(dāng)戶對(duì)是最重要的一條標(biāo)準(zhǔn)。在改革開放前,階級(jí)出身也是擇偶時(shí)必須考慮的重要因素之一。在婚齡問題上,在新中國成立以后的三十五年中,男女結(jié)婚年齡總體上是上升的,大部分地區(qū)都已經(jīng)符合國家婚姻法的規(guī)定。其次,討論婚姻的禮儀;榍暗亩Y儀一般來說可以分為三個(gè)階段:即提親、相親、訂婚。在中國農(nóng)村社會(huì)中,婚禮的重要性要強(qiáng)于婚姻登記,青年男女只有辦了婚禮以后才能得到農(nóng)村社會(huì)的認(rèn)同。在建國以后三十多年的歷史變遷中,彩禮和嫁妝變化也很大,支付方式逐漸演變?yōu)槲ㄒ挥行Ф鴮?shí)用的單一形式,即現(xiàn)金。再次,本文涉及婚姻的解體,即離婚。從20世紀(jì)50年代以來,中國農(nóng)村的婚姻保持著極低的離婚率,這與改革開放的今天都存在著很大的差別。在分析諸多離婚率低的原因之時(shí),農(nóng)村社會(huì)網(wǎng)絡(luò)和法律的調(diào)節(jié)程度是最重要的原因之一。到了70年代末期,隨著離婚調(diào)節(jié)程序更替、人口流動(dòng)增加、大眾傳媒方式改變和生活質(zhì)量的變化,中國農(nóng)村社會(huì)的離婚率明顯提高。最后討論的是婚姻圈。從新中國成立到改革開放初期,中國農(nóng)村社會(huì)的婚姻圈經(jīng)過了一個(gè)循環(huán)變化的過程;橐鋈Φ耐庋赜纱笞冃,再變大;婚姻圈內(nèi)核中心地帶先是由內(nèi)聚發(fā)展到均化、再內(nèi)聚。20世紀(jì)50年代的婚姻圈和改革開放初期的婚姻圈具有極大的相似之處。 農(nóng)村中的家庭問題。首先討論家庭的結(jié)構(gòu)和規(guī)模。從家庭結(jié)構(gòu)上看,20世紀(jì)以來,中國農(nóng)村家庭小型化趨勢(shì)加劇。從新中國成立以后,由于中國農(nóng)村兄弟分家提前,核心家庭和主干家庭占據(jù)著絕大多數(shù)比例。從家庭規(guī)模上看,在1950年代和改革開放初期戶均人口向小型化發(fā)展,不過1962年以后,是一個(gè)家庭規(guī)模的增長(zhǎng)時(shí)期,一直持續(xù)到70年代末期。其次討論的是家庭的功能和家庭關(guān)系。在家庭功能上,中國農(nóng)村社會(huì)的家庭一般具有經(jīng)濟(jì)功能、生育和性生活功能、教育和撫養(yǎng)功能、贍養(yǎng)功能等多種形式,在新中國成立以后的三十五年中,家庭功能的表現(xiàn)形式有很大差異。在家庭關(guān)系上,主要討論了夫妻關(guān)系、親子關(guān)系和婆媳關(guān)系。從總體上看,家庭內(nèi)部的關(guān)系不斷向民主化方向發(fā)展,婦女和子女的地位不斷提高。最后是家庭生命周期與分家析戶。在新中國成立以后,家庭的生長(zhǎng)周期的變化出現(xiàn)新的特點(diǎn),直系聯(lián)合家庭不再出現(xiàn),家庭生命周期由繁變簡(jiǎn)。分家析戶問題是和家庭生命周期緊密相連的,分家析戶的越早,家庭的生長(zhǎng)周期就越短。 通過對(duì)三十五年中國農(nóng)村婚姻與家庭的討論,本文認(rèn)為:首先,國家對(duì)農(nóng)村社會(huì)婚姻與家庭的影響是顯而易見的,這種影響曾經(jīng)迫使傳統(tǒng)的以血緣關(guān)系為基礎(chǔ)的社會(huì)等級(jí)和社會(huì)結(jié)構(gòu)邊緣化,農(nóng)民的私人生活領(lǐng)域也受到重大影響。其次,在這一歷史時(shí)間段內(nèi),社會(huì)變遷和社會(huì)延續(xù)這兩種趨勢(shì)在新中國成立以后農(nóng)村社會(huì)的婚姻與家庭中都有所體現(xiàn),這兩種截然相反的發(fā)展趨勢(shì)在建國以后的三十五年內(nèi)相互共存,社會(huì)變遷中的變與社會(huì)延續(xù)中的不變交織于整個(gè)農(nóng)村社會(huì)之中。最后,婚姻家庭的建立是農(nóng)村社會(huì)網(wǎng)絡(luò)搭建,創(chuàng)建熟人社會(huì)網(wǎng)絡(luò)的重要途徑。新中國成立以后,應(yīng)該說原有的農(nóng)村關(guān)系網(wǎng)絡(luò)并沒有消亡,而是通過農(nóng)村社會(huì)的婚姻與家庭形式,頑強(qiáng)的存在。改革開放初期的農(nóng)村社會(huì)網(wǎng)絡(luò)在擴(kuò)大的同時(shí),這種網(wǎng)絡(luò)變得松動(dòng)和脆弱。在現(xiàn)代建設(shè)新農(nóng)村社會(huì)之時(shí),這一點(diǎn)無疑值得思考。
[Abstract]:From the founding of New China to the early thirty-five years of reform and opening-up (1950-1985), China's rural society has undergone a series of reforms in land, socialist transformation, the people's commune movement, three years of natural disasters, the establishment of a management system based on "three levels of ownership and teams", the establishment of the "four Qing Dynasty", "cultural revolution" and the establishment of the household contract responsibility system. Great changes. Every major change has brought about drastic impact on rural society in China: either a positive impact on the development of rural society, or a catastrophic blow, leading to economic regression; or a huge impact on a small number of people in the countryside, or to the majority of people in the countryside; or obvious political shock, economic and peasants. Among the many factors that reflect the changes of rural social life, marriage and family are undoubtedly one of the most important factors, which is also where this article is discussed.
Firstly, this paper discusses the preparatory stage of marriage, that is, meeting, choosing spouse and age of marriage. The way of marriage in China's rural areas has experienced the development process of arranged marriage, matchmaker's lead, intermediary introduction and self-acquaintance. In the 35 years since the founding of New China, several forms have been embodied and intertwined. Generally speaking, the introduction of intermediaries is the mainstream of this period. In the process of choosing a spouse, young men and women in rural areas are the most important criterion in considering many factors. Secondly, the discussion of marriage etiquette can generally be divided into three stages: marriage, blind date and engagement. In rural China, the importance of marriage is stronger than marriage registration, and young men and women only have to hold weddings. In the past 30 years since the founding of the People's Republic of China, betrothal gifts and dowry have changed greatly, and the mode of payment has gradually evolved into the only effective and practical single form, namely cash. Thirdly, this paper deals with the dissolution of marriage, that is, divorce. Since the 1950s, marriage in rural China has remained extremely low. The divorce rate is very different from that of today's reform and opening-up. In the analysis of many reasons for the low divorce rate, one of the most important reasons is the degree of adjustment of rural social networks and laws. By the end of the 1970s, with the replacement of divorce adjustment procedures, the population flow increased, the way of mass media changed and the quality of life changed. From the founding of New China to the early stage of reform and opening up, the marriage circle in rural China has undergone a cyclical process of change. The marriage circle in 50s is very similar to the marriage circle in the early stage of reform and opening up.
Family problems in rural areas. First of all, the structure and scale of the family are discussed. From the perspective of family structure, the trend of miniaturization of rural families in China has intensified since the 20th century. In the early years of the Reform and Opening-up, the average household population tended to be small, but after 1962, it was a period of family size growth that lasted until the late 1970s. The second part discussed the family functions and family relations. In the thirty-five years since the founding of New China, there have been great differences in the manifestations of family functions. In family relations, the relationship between husband and wife, between parents and children and between mother-in-law and daughter-in-law has been discussed. After the founding of New China, the change of family growth cycle appears new characteristics, the United families no longer appear, and the family life cycle is simplified from complicated. The problem of family separation is closely related to the family life cycle. The earlier the family separation is, the shorter the family growth cycle.
After 35 years of discussion on marriage and family in rural China, this paper holds that, firstly, the influence of the state on marriage and family in rural society is obvious, which once forced the marginalization of traditional social hierarchy and social structure based on consanguinity, and the private life of peasants has also been greatly affected. In this historical period, the two trends of social change and social continuity have been reflected in the marriage and family of rural society since the founding of New China. These two opposite trends coexist within 35 years after the founding of the People's Republic of China, and the changes in social change and the constant in social continuity intertwine with the whole rural society. In the end, the establishment of marriage and family is an important way to set up the rural social network and to create acquaintances'social network. Such a network has become loose and fragile. It is doubtless worth considering when building a new rural society in modern times.
【學(xué)位授予單位】:中共中央黨校
【學(xué)位級(jí)別】:博士
【學(xué)位授予年份】:2010
【分類號(hào)】:K27

【引證文獻(xiàn)】

相關(guān)碩士學(xué)位論文 前3條

1 張潔;婚姻消費(fèi)與村落社會(huì)文化變遷[D];西南大學(xué);2011年

2 李保燕;集體化時(shí)代農(nóng)民婚姻行為研究[D];山西大學(xué);2012年

3 李文鋼;當(dāng)代佤族男性擇偶研究[D];云南大學(xué);2012年

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本文編號(hào):2191381

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