本文選題：集體化時(shí)期 + 太行山區(qū)��； 參考：《南開(kāi)大學(xué)》2012年博士論文

【摘要】：新中國(guó)成立后，發(fā)動(dòng)?jì)D女參加社會(huì)化大生產(chǎn)成為中共婦女工作的重要內(nèi)容。在中共的發(fā)動(dòng)下，鄉(xiāng)村婦女開(kāi)始大規(guī)模地走出家庭，走上社會(huì)，參與社會(huì)生產(chǎn)，為國(guó)家、為集體創(chuàng)造了大量的財(cái)富和價(jià)值，同時(shí)也使自身的素質(zhì)和處境發(fā)生了很大的變化。但這是不是就代表“婦女解放”了？到底什么是“婦女解放”？集體化時(shí)期的婦女是否真正獲得了解放？這是婦女史研究的重要課題，也是本文著力論述所在。 本文集中研究了集體化時(shí)期太行山區(qū)婦女在參與農(nóng)業(yè)生產(chǎn)的過(guò)程中，在農(nóng)業(yè)生產(chǎn)中所起的重大作用以及給自身帶來(lái)的重大變化，并試圖說(shuō)明鄉(xiāng)村婦女在參與農(nóng)業(yè)生產(chǎn)的過(guò)程中所面臨的困境和掙扎，探討集體化時(shí)期鄉(xiāng)村婦女是否真的獲得了解放。全文包括引言和六章正文。 引言部分主要介紹了本課題的意義、學(xué)術(shù)史、研究理論和方法以及資料來(lái)源等。 第一章，主要介紹新中國(guó)成立前太行山區(qū)婦女參與農(nóng)業(yè)生產(chǎn)的情況。在傳統(tǒng)社會(huì)中，在“男主外，女主內(nèi)”的勞作分工模式下，婦女大部分時(shí)間從事家務(wù)勞動(dòng)，主要的活動(dòng)是煮飯洗衣、編織縫紉、料理家務(wù)、養(yǎng)育孩子等勞動(dòng)。就太行山區(qū)來(lái)說(shuō)，由于地少人多，，除少數(shù)貧農(nóng)婦女到田間搞些輔助勞動(dòng)外，一般沒(méi)有參加田間勞動(dòng)的習(xí)慣，否則會(huì)遭人恥笑。由于家務(wù)勞動(dòng)難以被量化且不具有交換性，其價(jià)值在傳統(tǒng)觀念中被大打折扣，所以婦女在家庭中一直被視為“吃閑飯的人”或“無(wú)用的人”。直到抗戰(zhàn)前夕，太行山區(qū)廣大婦女仍處在封建宗法制度束縛之下，仍然被禁錮在封建文化浸染的傳統(tǒng)女性空間中。 抗戰(zhàn)開(kāi)始后，中共出于解放婦女的歷史使命和根據(jù)地面臨的巨大財(cái)政經(jīng)濟(jì)困難等原因，開(kāi)始發(fā)動(dòng)?jì)D女參加農(nóng)業(yè)生產(chǎn)。在中共的發(fā)動(dòng)下，太行山區(qū)婦女開(kāi)始沖破幾千年的封建束縛，擺脫了單一的家務(wù)勞動(dòng)，參與農(nóng)業(yè)生產(chǎn)人數(shù)和范圍逐步擴(kuò)大，并在農(nóng)業(yè)生產(chǎn)中起到了一定的作用。同時(shí)，參與農(nóng)業(yè)生產(chǎn)也使婦女改變了原先“以勞為恥”的勞動(dòng)觀念，形成了新的家庭關(guān)系，也使婦女的社會(huì)地位有了一定提高。 第二章，主要介紹了新中國(guó)成立后中共對(duì)婦女的生產(chǎn)動(dòng)員。在馬恩列斯婦女解放理論的指導(dǎo)下，更由于新中國(guó)成立后經(jīng)濟(jì)建設(shè)中面臨的巨大勞動(dòng)力缺口和對(duì)蘇聯(lián)經(jīng)驗(yàn)的借鑒，新中國(guó)成立后，發(fā)動(dòng)?jì)D女參加農(nóng)業(yè)生產(chǎn)仍然是中共婦女工作的一項(xiàng)重要任務(wù)。中共通過(guò)思想教育、在家庭內(nèi)解放婦女的后顧之憂、利用示范效應(yīng)、幫助婦女學(xué)習(xí)農(nóng)業(yè)技術(shù)以及實(shí)行男女“同工同酬”等方法發(fā)動(dòng)?jì)D女參加農(nóng)業(yè)生產(chǎn)。 第三章，主要介紹婦女在農(nóng)業(yè)生產(chǎn)中逐漸“撐起了半邊天”。在中共的發(fā)動(dòng)下，太行山區(qū)婦女的勞動(dòng)參與率逐漸提高，在生產(chǎn)中的作用也日益凸顯，在農(nóng)業(yè)生產(chǎn)中逐漸“撐起了半邊天”。 第四章，主要介紹婦女參加農(nóng)業(yè)勞動(dòng)對(duì)自身的影響。集體化時(shí)期，婦女大規(guī)模參與農(nóng)業(yè)生產(chǎn)勞動(dòng)，不僅為家庭、集體乃至國(guó)家創(chuàng)造了大量財(cái)富與價(jià)值，而且對(duì)其自身素質(zhì)的提高也有很大的影響。在參與農(nóng)業(yè)生產(chǎn)過(guò)程中，婦女的勞動(dòng)技術(shù)、精神風(fēng)貌以及社會(huì)地位均有了很大程度的提高與改變。 第五章，介紹集體化時(shí)期的男女“同工同酬”。在集體化時(shí)期，工分是計(jì)量農(nóng)民參加集體勞動(dòng)的數(shù)量和質(zhì)量并獲取相應(yīng)報(bào)酬的一種形式。由于“男尊女卑”的歷史原因和婦女的勞動(dòng)技術(shù)水平低等現(xiàn)實(shí)原因，在婦女參加集體勞動(dòng)初期，往往是男子的工分普遍高于婦女的工分。隨著婦女勞動(dòng)技術(shù)的提高和勞動(dòng)強(qiáng)度的增大，婦女對(duì)這種男高女低的記分方法逐漸產(chǎn)生了異議，開(kāi)始要求在農(nóng)業(yè)生產(chǎn)中實(shí)行男女“同工同酬”。中共出于解放婦女和提高婦女勞動(dòng)積極性的考慮，逐漸把男女“同工同酬”制度化，并取得了一定的成效。但由于男女生理的客觀差異和傳統(tǒng)的男女勞作分工模式不同，男女“同工同酬”卻只能成為一句追求男女平等的口號(hào)，在集體化時(shí)期并未能真正實(shí)現(xiàn)。 第六章，介紹鄉(xiāng)村婦女在參加集體農(nóng)業(yè)生產(chǎn)過(guò)程中面臨的困境和掙扎。集體化時(shí)期，對(duì)于廣大農(nóng)村婦女而言，參與農(nóng)業(yè)生產(chǎn)、走出家庭所帶來(lái)的解放感是不容置疑的。但同時(shí)，參與農(nóng)業(yè)生產(chǎn)也給婦女帶來(lái)一些始料未及的問(wèn)題。最為突出的有兩個(gè)問(wèn)題：一是婦女走出家庭參與社會(huì)勞動(dòng)后，但男子卻沒(méi)有相應(yīng)的分擔(dān)家務(wù)勞動(dòng)，家務(wù)勞動(dòng)仍然主要由婦女來(lái)承擔(dān)，這就加重了婦女的負(fù)擔(dān)，給婦女造成了雙重束縛；第二個(gè)問(wèn)題是在婦女解放的過(guò)程中，中共只注重發(fā)揚(yáng)“沖天干勁”，“片面地宣傳‘苦干’、‘猛干’，表?yè)P(yáng)有病堅(jiān)持工作”，忽視性別差異的問(wèn)題，結(jié)果導(dǎo)致婦女身體受到很大的損害。 由此，集體化時(shí)期鄉(xiāng)村婦女參加農(nóng)業(yè)生產(chǎn)勞動(dòng)給婦女帶來(lái)的不僅僅是解放，在解放的背后婦女承受了許多不能訴說(shuō)的苦痛和掙扎。首先，集體化時(shí)期把“男女平等”視為婦女解放的目標(biāo)，并把“男女平等”簡(jiǎn)單理解成“男女都一樣”，以男人的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)來(lái)要求女性，把體力的平等作為婦女解放的標(biāo)志。其次，在婦女開(kāi)始走入社會(huì)參加農(nóng)業(yè)勞動(dòng)的同時(shí)，男子卻并沒(méi)有在家庭中相應(yīng)的承擔(dān)一部分家務(wù)勞動(dòng)，家務(wù)勞動(dòng)仍被看成是婦女的職責(zé)所在，因此，在集體化時(shí)期乃至此后的很長(zhǎng)一段時(shí)期，鄉(xiāng)村婦女都要承受農(nóng)業(yè)勞動(dòng)和家務(wù)勞動(dòng)的雙重負(fù)擔(dān)，在這雙重重?fù)?dān)之下，婦女們疲累不堪，苦不堪言，“男女平等”并沒(méi)有真正實(shí)現(xiàn)。集體化時(shí)期婦女解放運(yùn)動(dòng)貌似激烈，卻出現(xiàn)了婦女解放而不平等的悖論。這緣于國(guó)家權(quán)力的越位和婦女權(quán)利的缺失，男女平等旨在鼓勵(lì)婦女與男人看齊多做貢獻(xiàn)，卻有意無(wú)意地忽視了性別差異和婦女的權(quán)利。
[Abstract]:After the founding of new China, launching women to participate in social production has become an important part of the work of women in the Communist Party of China. Under the launch of the Communist Party of China, rural women began to walk out of the family, go to society, participate in social production, create a large amount of wealth and value for the country, and make their own qualities and circumstances great. But does this represent "women's Liberation"? What is "women's Liberation"? Is the women in the period of collectivization truly emancipated? This is an important subject in the study of women's history and is the focus of this article.
This paper focuses on the important role of women in the agricultural production in the period of collectivization and the significant changes brought to themselves in the agricultural production, and tries to explain the difficulties and struggles of rural women in the process of participating in agricultural production, and to explore whether the rural women in the period of collectivization are true. The full text includes the introduction and the six chapter of the text.
The introduction mainly introduces the significance of this topic, academic history, research theories and methods, and data sources.
In the first chapter, we mainly introduce the situation of women participating in agricultural production in Taihang mountains before the founding of new China. In the traditional society, under the labor division mode of "male owners and female owners", women engaged in housework most of the time. The main activities are cooking and washing, knitting sewing, cooking housework, raising children and so on. For the Taihang mountain area, In addition to a small number of people, in addition to a few poor peasant women to work in the field, they usually do not take part in the field work, otherwise they will be laughed at. Because of the difficulty of being quantified and not exchangeable, the value of the housework is discounted in the traditional concept, so women have been regarded as "idle people" or "people" in the family. On the eve of the war of resistance, the vast majority of women in the Taihang Mountains were still under the bondage of feudal patriarchal system, still confined to the traditional female space, which was imprisoned by feudal culture.
Since the beginning of the war of resistance, the Chinese Communist Party began to launch women to participate in agricultural production out of the historical mission of emancipating women and the huge financial and economic difficulties faced by the base areas. Under the launch of the Communist Party of China, the women of the Taihang mountains began to break through the feudal shackles of thousands of years, free from a single family work and participate in the gradual expansion of the number and scope of agricultural production. At the same time, the participation in agricultural production also made women change the old concept of "disgrace to work", formed a new family relationship and made a certain improvement in the social status of women.
The second chapter mainly introduces the mobilization of the Chinese Communist Party in the production of women after the founding of new China. Under the guidance of the Emancipation Theory of emancie, it is more due to the huge labor gap and the experience of the Soviet Union in economic construction after the founding of new China. After the founding of new China, the participation of women in agricultural production is still the work of the women of the Communist Party of China. An important task. Through ideological education, the Communist Party of China liberates women's worries in the family, uses the demonstration effect, helps women to learn agricultural technology and implements women's "equal pay for equal work" and other methods to launch women in agricultural production.
In the third chapter, it is mainly introduced that women in agricultural production gradually "prop up half the sky". Under the launch of the Communist Party of China, the labor participation rate of women in Taihang mountain area is increasing gradually, and the role in production is becoming increasingly prominent, and in agricultural production, it has gradually "supported half the sky".
The fourth chapter mainly introduces the influence of women's participation in agricultural labor. During the period of collectivization, the large-scale participation of women in agricultural production and labor has not only created a large amount of wealth and value for the family, the collective and even the country, but also has a great influence on the improvement of its own quality. In the process of agricultural production, the labor technology of women is fine. The appearance of the gods and social status has been greatly improved and changed.
The fifth chapter introduces the "equal pay for equal work" for men and women in the period of collectivization. In the period of collectivization, the work points are a form of measuring the quantity and quality of the peasants participating in the collective labor and obtaining the corresponding remuneration. Men's work points are generally higher than women's work points. With the increase of women's labor technology and the increase of labor intensity, women have gradually dissent about the scoring method for the male and female low women, and began to demand the "equal pay for equal work" between men and women in agricultural production. The Communist Party of China is driven by the consideration of the liberation of women and the increase of women's labour enthusiasm. The "equal pay for equal work" has been institutionalized and achieved certain results. However, due to the difference of the objective difference between male and female physiology and the traditional labor division pattern of men and women, the "equal pay for equal work" can only be a slogan for the pursuit of equality between men and women, and it has not been truly realized in the period of collectivization.
The sixth chapter introduces the difficulties and struggles of rural women in the process of participating in collective agricultural production. During the period of collectivization, it is unquestionable for the rural women to participate in agricultural production and get out of the liberation of their families. At the same time, the participation in agricultural production also brings some unsolved problems to women. The two question: first, after women go out of the family to participate in social labor, but men do not share the work of housework, housework is still mainly undertaken by women, which aggravates the burden of women and causes double bondage to women; the second problem is that in the process of women's emancipation, the Communist Party of China pays more attention to the development of "drive the sky". "One-sided publicity of" hard work "," fierce work ", praise for illness, persistence in work, and neglect of gender differences have resulted in great damage to women's health.
Thus, in the period of collectivization, the participation of rural women in agricultural production and labor for women is not only emancipated, but behind emancipation, women bear many unspeakable pains and struggles. First, the "equality of men and women" is regarded as the goal of women's Liberation in the period of collectivization, and the "equality of men and women" is simply understood as "the same as both men and women". Women are required by men's standards and the equality of physical strength as a symbol of women's emancipation. Secondly, while women begin to enter the society to participate in agricultural labor, men do not undertake part of the housework in the family, and housework is still regarded as the duty of women, therefore, in the period of collectivization and thereafter. For a long time, rural women have to bear the double burden of agricultural labor and housework. Under this double burden, women are tired and miserable. "Equality between men and women" has not been truly realized. The liberation movement of women in the period of collectivization appears fierce, but the paradox of women's Liberation and inequality. This is due to the state power. Offside and the lack of women's rights, equality between men and women is aimed at encouraging women to make more contributions to men, but intentionally or unintentionally neglecting gender differences and women's rights.
【學(xué)位授予單位】：南開(kāi)大學(xué)
【學(xué)位級(jí)別】：博士
【學(xué)位授予年份】：2012
【分類號(hào)】：D442.6;K27

【參考文獻(xiàn)】

相關(guān)期刊論文 前10條

1 虞花榮;;論中國(guó)共產(chǎn)黨婦女解放思想與實(shí)踐的特點(diǎn)及其啟示[J];北京科技大學(xué)學(xué)報(bào)(社會(huì)科學(xué)版);2007年02期

2 李常生;山西抗日根據(jù)地婦女勞動(dòng)力的開(kāi)發(fā)[J];滄桑;2004年Z1期

3 楊輝;向達(dá);;論現(xiàn)代社會(huì)中婚姻關(guān)系模式的轉(zhuǎn)變[J];重慶科技學(xué)院學(xué)報(bào)(社會(huì)科學(xué)版);2007年06期

4 丁如劍;毛澤東與中國(guó)婦女解放[J];德州學(xué)院學(xué)報(bào);2001年01期

5 李正華;新中國(guó)婦女運(yùn)動(dòng)的歷史與現(xiàn)狀[J];當(dāng)代中國(guó)史研究;1996年06期

6 李靜之;中國(guó)婦女運(yùn)動(dòng)史上的三座里程牌[J];婦女研究論叢;1999年04期

7 李靜之;新民主主義革命時(shí)期中國(guó)共產(chǎn)黨婦女運(yùn)動(dòng)指導(dǎo)思想的確立和發(fā)展[J];婦女研究論叢;2001年04期

8 臧健;;蘇聯(lián)對(duì)中國(guó)性別平等的影響——以20世紀(jì)50年代為例[J];婦女研究論叢;2008年02期

9 呂美頤;20世紀(jì)二、三十年代中國(guó)農(nóng)村婦女狀況的歷史考察[J];婦女研究論叢;1996年01期

10 佟新;國(guó)外婦女的勞動(dòng)參與和經(jīng)濟(jì)地位[J];婦女研究論叢;1996年01期

相關(guān)博士學(xué)位論文 前2條

1 王榮花;中共革命與太行山區(qū)社會(huì)文化的變遷（1937—1949）[D];河北大學(xué);2011年

2 張志永;建國(guó)初期河北省婚姻制度改革研究（1950-1956年）[D];復(fù)旦大學(xué);2003年

相關(guān)碩士學(xué)位論文 前5條

1 朱曉鴻;漢代婦女生活探析[D];鄭州大學(xué);2001年

2 王翠改;唐宋時(shí)期婦女的家庭經(jīng)濟(jì)地位[D];河北師范大學(xué);2002年

3 王劍虹;元代婦女的社會(huì)經(jīng)濟(jì)地位[D];河北師范大學(xué);2003年

4 汪蕊;論抗戰(zhàn)時(shí)期晉察冀邊區(qū)婦女地位的提高[D];河北師范大學(xué);2004年

5 袁秀貞;1949-1978年中國(guó)共產(chǎn)黨鼓勵(lì)婦女全面就業(yè)的政策研究[D];湖南師范大學(xué);2008年

本文編號(hào)：1932903