歐盟對中亞地區(qū)推行民主化戰(zhàn)略探析
發(fā)布時間：2018-11-21 10:19
【摘要】：歐盟委員會在一次關(guān)于“歐盟在第三世界促進(jìn)人權(quán)和民主化的角色”的交流中,宣稱自己打算根據(jù)其在該領(lǐng)域的外交政策表現(xiàn)由人們作出判斷。本文旨在通過以中亞五個共和國為例對歐盟的民主化政策作出一個精確判斷:盡管嗓門很高但是執(zhí)行起來卻很弱。歐盟對中亞的的民主化支持相對于其他新獨立國家的力度是較低的。強有力的工具(如制裁等)很少使用。盡管在歐盟與中亞國家簽訂的所有戰(zhàn)略文件和協(xié)議中相應(yīng)的政治附加條件都被制訂出來,但這些原則缺少監(jiān)督,使得歐盟民主化政策給人以溫馴和對中亞執(zhí)政的精英們施加較少壓力的印象。歐盟在促進(jìn)規(guī)范化議程方面缺少毅力的是令人吃驚的�？紤]到中亞國家對自由原則令人不安的蔑視,任何人都期盼歐盟出臺一個更堅決或剛毅的的手段,但結(jié)果令人失望。在大多數(shù)國家里,總統(tǒng)已經(jīng)獲得了廣泛權(quán)力實施統(tǒng)治。議會和法院是脆弱的并被慣常性地輕視。反對派被局限在固定的范圍內(nèi)活動、指定和被壓制。幾乎所有的選舉的合法性都令人質(zhì)疑,此外大眾輿論常受到壓制。簡言之,真正的民主不是不存在就是失敗了。該地區(qū)可劃分成為半威權(quán)的東北方層次和一個威權(quán)或一個甚至獨裁的的西南層次;前者由哈薩克斯坦、吉爾吉斯斯坦和塔吉克斯坦三國組成,后者由烏茲別克斯坦和土庫曼斯坦組成。土庫曼斯坦給世界提供了一個非常深刻的關(guān)于中亞在后共產(chǎn)主義轉(zhuǎn)型期間失敗的案例。它已經(jīng)成為一個悲劇的然而卻是超過斯大林式的警察國家。 為了分析歐盟的雄辯言辭與現(xiàn)實的鴻溝存在的原因。除了前言和結(jié)語外,本論文分為三個大部分。第一部分從國家、地區(qū)和全球?qū)用嫒齻�角度闡述歐盟對中亞地區(qū)推行民主化的政策的動因。第二部分探究了歐盟對該地區(qū)民主化的主要措施。第三部分則對民主援助的效果進(jìn)行評析并探究歐盟如此高調(diào)的雄辯言辭的形象在執(zhí)行層面卻表現(xiàn)得如此軟弱的原因�？傮w結(jié)論是:歐盟對中亞的興趣主要集中在歐盟自身感知迫切的議題而非政治變化,導(dǎo)致了歐盟在中亞促進(jìn)民主化政策方面表現(xiàn)不佳。換言之,歐盟更多地受自身的利益驅(qū)動而不是為了在該地區(qū)推動民主治理的形式和諸多原則。
[Abstract]:In an exchange on "the role of the European Union in promoting human rights and democratization in the third world", the European Commission declared its intention to be judged on the basis of its foreign policy performance in the field. This paper aims to make a precise judgment on the EU's democratization policy by taking the five republics of Central Asia as an example: the voice is high but the execution is weak. The EU's support for democratization in Central Asia is less strong than that of other newly independent states. Powerful tools (such as sanctions) are rarely used. Although the corresponding political conditionalities have been developed in all strategic documents and agreements between the EU and the Central Asian countries, these principles lack oversight. The EU's democratization policy gives the impression of tame and less pressure on the ruling elite in Central Asia. It is surprising that the EU lacks perseverance in advancing the normative agenda. Given the disturbing defiance of the principles of freedom in Central Asia, anyone expects a more determined or resolute approach from the EU, but the results are disappointing. In most countries, the president has gained broad powers to rule. Parliament and courts are fragile and routinely belittled. The opposition is confined to a fixed range of activities, designated and suppressed. The legitimacy of almost all elections is questionable, and public opinion is often suppressed. In short, real democracy either does not exist or fails. The area can be divided into a semi-authoritarian northeast level and an authoritarian or even a dictatorship of the southwest level; The former consists of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan, while the latter consists of Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan. Turkmenistan provides the world with a very profound case of the failure of Central Asia during the post-communist transition. It has become a tragic but more than Stalinist police state. In order to analyze the EU's eloquence and the reality of the gap exists. Besides preface and conclusion, this thesis is divided into three parts. The first part expounds the motivation of EU's policy of democratization in Central Asia from three aspects: national, regional and global. The second part explores the main measures of EU democratization in the region. The third part analyzes the effect of democratic aid and explores why the image of the EU's eloquent rhetoric is so weak at the executive level. The general conclusion is that the EU's interest in Central Asia is mainly focused on the EU's own perception of pressing issues rather than on political changes, resulting in the EU's poor performance in promoting democratization policies in Central Asia. In other words, the EU is driven more by its own interests than by promoting the forms and principles of democratic governance in the region.
【學(xué)位授予單位】：新疆大學(xué)
【學(xué)位級別】：碩士
【學(xué)位授予年份】：2011
【分類號】：D85
本文編號：2346688
[Abstract]:In an exchange on "the role of the European Union in promoting human rights and democratization in the third world", the European Commission declared its intention to be judged on the basis of its foreign policy performance in the field. This paper aims to make a precise judgment on the EU's democratization policy by taking the five republics of Central Asia as an example: the voice is high but the execution is weak. The EU's support for democratization in Central Asia is less strong than that of other newly independent states. Powerful tools (such as sanctions) are rarely used. Although the corresponding political conditionalities have been developed in all strategic documents and agreements between the EU and the Central Asian countries, these principles lack oversight. The EU's democratization policy gives the impression of tame and less pressure on the ruling elite in Central Asia. It is surprising that the EU lacks perseverance in advancing the normative agenda. Given the disturbing defiance of the principles of freedom in Central Asia, anyone expects a more determined or resolute approach from the EU, but the results are disappointing. In most countries, the president has gained broad powers to rule. Parliament and courts are fragile and routinely belittled. The opposition is confined to a fixed range of activities, designated and suppressed. The legitimacy of almost all elections is questionable, and public opinion is often suppressed. In short, real democracy either does not exist or fails. The area can be divided into a semi-authoritarian northeast level and an authoritarian or even a dictatorship of the southwest level; The former consists of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan, while the latter consists of Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan. Turkmenistan provides the world with a very profound case of the failure of Central Asia during the post-communist transition. It has become a tragic but more than Stalinist police state. In order to analyze the EU's eloquence and the reality of the gap exists. Besides preface and conclusion, this thesis is divided into three parts. The first part expounds the motivation of EU's policy of democratization in Central Asia from three aspects: national, regional and global. The second part explores the main measures of EU democratization in the region. The third part analyzes the effect of democratic aid and explores why the image of the EU's eloquent rhetoric is so weak at the executive level. The general conclusion is that the EU's interest in Central Asia is mainly focused on the EU's own perception of pressing issues rather than on political changes, resulting in the EU's poor performance in promoting democratization policies in Central Asia. In other words, the EU is driven more by its own interests than by promoting the forms and principles of democratic governance in the region.
【學(xué)位授予單位】：新疆大學(xué)
【學(xué)位級別】：碩士
【學(xué)位授予年份】：2011
【分類號】：D85
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