毛澤東時代中國的世界革命觀念
發(fā)布時間：2018-09-18 09:26
【摘要】：1840年以來，中國逐漸被納入西方資本主義世界體系，中國的革命再也不是孤立的國內(nèi)事件，而是同整個世界的發(fā)展趨勢、權(quán)力格局、利益分配密切地聯(lián)系起來。根植于中國傳統(tǒng)政治思想文化的土壤，毛澤東時代中國的世界革命觀念來源于馬克思和恩格斯的“同時革命”論，同時也受到蘇聯(lián)及共產(chǎn)國際的深刻影響，另一重要因素是中國革命和發(fā)展自身的需求。它經(jīng)歷了一個從形成發(fā)展到激進(jìn)化再到逐步調(diào)整的過程。 中國共產(chǎn)黨從誕生時就是以共產(chǎn)國際的一個支部而成立的。新中國成立后，中國共產(chǎn)黨人明確了：中國革命是無產(chǎn)階級社會主義世界革命的一部分。并且接受了列寧和斯大林關(guān)于帝國主義及民族問題的分析，對當(dāng)時世界形勢做出了這樣的判斷:帝國主義和無產(chǎn)階級革命時代的主題是“革命與戰(zhàn)爭”。在二戰(zhàn)后形成的資本主義與社會主義兩大陣營中，美國封鎖包圍社會主義國家，干涉鎮(zhèn)壓他國革命，成為世界人民最主要的敵人。而蘇聯(lián)承認(rèn)新中國，并熱情支持援助中國革命，是中國革命堅定的支持者和盟友。革命勝利后，新中國開始關(guān)注與支持周邊國家的革命運動。其中，最明顯的表現(xiàn)是抗美援朝斗爭和援越抗法斗爭。在毛澤東看來“這是我們的國際主義義務(wù)”。 50年代中期以后，世界力量對比發(fā)生了重大變化：社會主義的力量對帝國主義的力量占了壓倒性的優(yōu)勢，即東風(fēng)壓倒西風(fēng)。在這種形勢下，蘇共召開二十大，提出和平過渡的觀念，與美國大搞緩和，致使中蘇兩黨出現(xiàn)分歧。在中國，革命主義最終戰(zhàn)勝修正主義，中蘇關(guān)系破裂。中國認(rèn)為蘇聯(lián)已經(jīng)成為實際上的社會帝國主義，不能再領(lǐng)導(dǎo)國際共產(chǎn)主義運動。因此，世界革命的中心在事實上已經(jīng)向中國轉(zhuǎn)移。在這一時期，中國的世界革命觀念發(fā)展到最為激進(jìn)的程度，中國認(rèn)為戰(zhàn)爭一定會打起來，慷慨支援世界革命。使各國革命者通過革命來制止戰(zhàn)爭的戰(zhàn)略成為當(dāng)時中國主導(dǎo)的外交戰(zhàn)略。 70年代，隨著國際形勢的變化，中國開始對“世界革命”的思想進(jìn)行修正。中國領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人調(diào)整了世界革命的目標(biāo)，不再強調(diào)革命的目標(biāo)是否是社會主義，而強調(diào)擺脫帝國主義控制，爭取真正民族獨立和解放，進(jìn)而提出了“三個世界劃分”的理論。中國在推行世界革命的同時，更加重視民族利益，最明顯的體現(xiàn)就是改善了與美國的關(guān)系。 在毛澤東時代，中國的世界革命理想與國家利益處于矛盾交匯中，二者既有重合又有對立，但在大多數(shù)情況下，二者是并重的，是統(tǒng)一的。世界革命思想影響中國的決策者對國家利益的基本判定，但最終是為國家利益服務(wù)的。毛澤東時代中國的世界革命觀念雖然不可否認(rèn)地存在著局限性，但它對中國外交也產(chǎn)生了一定的積極影響。正確認(rèn)識世界革命觀念的作用，對于全面了解思想本身，透徹觀察新中國外交戰(zhàn)略的變化，有著理論與實踐的重大意義。
[Abstract]:Since 1840, China has gradually been brought into the western capitalist world system. China's revolution is no longer an isolated domestic event, but is closely related to the development trend of the whole world, the pattern of power, and the distribution of interests. Rooted in the soil of China's traditional political ideology and culture, the concept of world revolution in Mao Zedong's time came from Marx's and Engels's theory of "simultaneous revolution", and was also deeply influenced by the Soviet Union and the Communist International. Another important factor is China's revolution and development of its own needs. It goes through a process from formation to radicalization to gradual adjustment. The Communist Party of China was founded as a branch of Comintern when it was born. After the founding of New China, the Chinese Communists made it clear that the Chinese revolution was part of the proletarian socialist world revolution. He also accepted Lenin and Stalin's analysis of imperialism and national issues, and made such a judgment on the world situation at that time: the theme of the revolutionary era of imperialism and the proletariat was "revolution and war". In the two camps of capitalism and socialism formed after World War II, the United States blockaded and surrounded socialist countries, intervened to suppress other countries' revolutions, and became the main enemy of the people of the world. The Soviet Union recognized the new China and enthusiastically supported the Chinese revolution, and was a staunch supporter and ally of the Chinese Revolution. After the victory of the revolution, New China began to pay attention to and support the revolutionary movement of neighboring countries. Among them, the most obvious manifestation is the struggle of resisting US aggression and aiding Korea and the struggle of aid to Vietnam and France. In Mao Zedong's view, "this is our duty to internationalism". Since the mid-1950s, the balance of world power has changed significantly: the forces of socialism have taken an overwhelming advantage over the forces of imperialism. The east wind overwhelms the west wind. Under such circumstances, the CPC held the Twentieth National Congress, put forward the concept of peaceful transition, and made detente with the United States, resulting in differences between the Chinese and Soviet parties. In China, revolutionary doctrine finally defeated revisionism, and Sino-Soviet relations broke down. China believes that the Soviet Union has become de facto social imperialism and can no longer lead the international communist movement. As a result, the centre of the world revolution has in fact shifted to China. During this period, China's concept of world revolution developed to the most radical level, and China believed that war would certainly be fought and generously supported the world revolution. The strategy of making revolutionaries stop wars through revolution became the diplomatic strategy dominated by China at that time. In the 1970s, with the change of the international situation, China began to revise the thought of "world revolution". The Chinese leader adjusted the goal of the world revolution, no longer emphasized whether the goal of the revolution was socialism, but put forward the theory of "dividing the three worlds" by getting rid of the imperialist control and striving for the true national independence and liberation. China pays more attention to national interests while carrying out the world revolution, the most obvious manifestation of which is the improvement of its relations with the United States. In Mao Zedong's time, China's world revolutionary ideal and national interests were in contradiction and confluence, both of which were overlapped and opposed, but in most cases, the two were equally important and unified. The thought of world revolution influences the basic judgment of China's policy makers on national interests, but ultimately serves the national interests. Although China's concept of world revolution in Mao Zedong's time had its limitations, it had a positive influence on Chinese diplomacy. A correct understanding of the role of the concept of world revolution is of great theoretical and practical significance to the comprehensive understanding of the thought itself and to a thorough observation of the changes in the diplomatic strategy of New China.
【學(xué)位授予單位】：中國人民大學(xué)
【學(xué)位級別】：碩士
【學(xué)位授予年份】：2010
【分類號】：A841;D80
本文編號：2247482
[Abstract]:Since 1840, China has gradually been brought into the western capitalist world system. China's revolution is no longer an isolated domestic event, but is closely related to the development trend of the whole world, the pattern of power, and the distribution of interests. Rooted in the soil of China's traditional political ideology and culture, the concept of world revolution in Mao Zedong's time came from Marx's and Engels's theory of "simultaneous revolution", and was also deeply influenced by the Soviet Union and the Communist International. Another important factor is China's revolution and development of its own needs. It goes through a process from formation to radicalization to gradual adjustment. The Communist Party of China was founded as a branch of Comintern when it was born. After the founding of New China, the Chinese Communists made it clear that the Chinese revolution was part of the proletarian socialist world revolution. He also accepted Lenin and Stalin's analysis of imperialism and national issues, and made such a judgment on the world situation at that time: the theme of the revolutionary era of imperialism and the proletariat was "revolution and war". In the two camps of capitalism and socialism formed after World War II, the United States blockaded and surrounded socialist countries, intervened to suppress other countries' revolutions, and became the main enemy of the people of the world. The Soviet Union recognized the new China and enthusiastically supported the Chinese revolution, and was a staunch supporter and ally of the Chinese Revolution. After the victory of the revolution, New China began to pay attention to and support the revolutionary movement of neighboring countries. Among them, the most obvious manifestation is the struggle of resisting US aggression and aiding Korea and the struggle of aid to Vietnam and France. In Mao Zedong's view, "this is our duty to internationalism". Since the mid-1950s, the balance of world power has changed significantly: the forces of socialism have taken an overwhelming advantage over the forces of imperialism. The east wind overwhelms the west wind. Under such circumstances, the CPC held the Twentieth National Congress, put forward the concept of peaceful transition, and made detente with the United States, resulting in differences between the Chinese and Soviet parties. In China, revolutionary doctrine finally defeated revisionism, and Sino-Soviet relations broke down. China believes that the Soviet Union has become de facto social imperialism and can no longer lead the international communist movement. As a result, the centre of the world revolution has in fact shifted to China. During this period, China's concept of world revolution developed to the most radical level, and China believed that war would certainly be fought and generously supported the world revolution. The strategy of making revolutionaries stop wars through revolution became the diplomatic strategy dominated by China at that time. In the 1970s, with the change of the international situation, China began to revise the thought of "world revolution". The Chinese leader adjusted the goal of the world revolution, no longer emphasized whether the goal of the revolution was socialism, but put forward the theory of "dividing the three worlds" by getting rid of the imperialist control and striving for the true national independence and liberation. China pays more attention to national interests while carrying out the world revolution, the most obvious manifestation of which is the improvement of its relations with the United States. In Mao Zedong's time, China's world revolutionary ideal and national interests were in contradiction and confluence, both of which were overlapped and opposed, but in most cases, the two were equally important and unified. The thought of world revolution influences the basic judgment of China's policy makers on national interests, but ultimately serves the national interests. Although China's concept of world revolution in Mao Zedong's time had its limitations, it had a positive influence on Chinese diplomacy. A correct understanding of the role of the concept of world revolution is of great theoretical and practical significance to the comprehensive understanding of the thought itself and to a thorough observation of the changes in the diplomatic strategy of New China.
【學(xué)位授予單位】：中國人民大學(xué)
【學(xué)位級別】：碩士
【學(xué)位授予年份】：2010
【分類號】：A841;D80
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