拉丁美洲區(qū)域發(fā)展中的中國因素研究：2001-2015
發(fā)布時間：2018-09-11 11:47
【摘要】：自從中國加入世界貿(mào)易組織以來,中國與拉丁美洲之間的經(jīng)濟貿(mào)易關(guān)系成倍數(shù)增長。數(shù)據(jù)顯示,在2000至2014年間,中國已經(jīng)躍升為繼美國之后拉丁美洲和加勒比地區(qū)第二大貿(mào)易伙伴。該區(qū)域向中國出口額占總出口額的比例從1%增長至9%,而進口額則從2%擴大到16%。在過去的這些年中,中國與拉丁美洲關(guān)系蓬勃發(fā)展,這在很大程度上得益于中國對該地區(qū)豐富自然資源的需求不斷增加。如此快速及特殊的貿(mào)易增長先后引起了各種議論和意見,如「中國崛起」和「中國威脅論」,后者在美國學界領(lǐng)域特別受歡迎。美國不論從拉丁美洲的地理位置還是政治地位上來說,都是一個舉足輕重的身份。拉美—美國—中國之間的三角關(guān)系隨著2001年中國加入世貿(mào)組織(WTO)而受到了影響,比如,中國也因此成為了北美貿(mào)易協(xié)定的"第四"成員國。中國出口的活力也從這一時刻開始在北美貿(mào)易協(xié)定內(nèi)部出現(xiàn)了下降趨勢。中國在拉美地區(qū)的活動并不像其在非洲的角色那樣得到重視,在學界,盡管相關(guān)文摘數(shù)量在增長,但仍然十分有限。而,有關(guān)中國在該地區(qū)的經(jīng)濟與政治影響方面的爭論——尤其是對于中國是否會挑戰(zhàn)美國在該地區(qū)霸權(quán)的討論——日漸增加。由于拉丁美洲大多數(shù)國家對美國十分依賴,在國外文摘研究中,拉丁美洲通常被認為是中美權(quán)利關(guān)系中的一個第三者,故忽視了拉丁美洲各國的特殊與差別之處。因此,本研究試圖從拉丁美洲的角度來探討:近年來中拉經(jīng)濟關(guān)系的雙邊活動,并強調(diào)中國在某些拉丁美洲國家中,較為活躍的活動所直接或間接引起的變化。本研究主要包括以下三種觀點:第一,目前,中國與拉美國家的關(guān)系中,與墨西哥的關(guān)系可能是最艱難的,部分原因是墨西哥與中國之間巨大的貿(mào)易逆差。墨西哥并不像巴西或智利那樣向中國出口大量原材料,同時墨西哥還將中國視為其向美國等第三方市場出口的強勁對手。所有的這一切都導致了中國和墨西哥之間的緊張關(guān)系,第二,拉美國家之間的貿(mào)易相互依存度并不高。以區(qū)域內(nèi)出口貿(mào)易額占其對外貿(mào)易總額的比重為例,拉美區(qū)內(nèi)國家貿(mào)易依存度未及20%,南共市更是低于這一平均值,遠低于北美自貿(mào)區(qū)和東盟將近50%的水平。因此,隨著該地區(qū)從中國進口貨物的大大增加,在一定程度上取代了某些美洲國家之間的出口,如巴西和阿根廷。雖然這一趨勢存在著,目前似乎沒有一個拉美國家對中國有短期,中期或長期的清楚的策略。第三,中國對拉美的影響不僅包括經(jīng)濟上的,還包括政治上的,如巴西。20世紀90年代以來,通過組建南方共同市場,推動南美洲國家區(qū)域合作和一體化進程,巴西外交在地區(qū)層次上的政策實踐進入前所未有的活躍時期,地區(qū)維度也已成為巴西整個國際戰(zhàn)略的重要支柱之一。近年來,巴西的追求和實踐呈現(xiàn)為一種溫和、軟性的形式和風格,即在保證自身核心利益的同時,明確為其他南美國家預(yù)留實現(xiàn)自身利益的空間。這種巧妙運用權(quán)力的方式被稱為"共識型霸權(quán)";"共識型霸權(quán)"指導下的巴西地區(qū)戰(zhàn)略,在其動態(tài)演變過程中有被鄰國認可、部分接受、完全拒絕等不同情況,但在國際舞臺上,巴西在與中國合作的過程中,取得地區(qū)性大國的正當性地位和認可,來實現(xiàn)其外交政策。當然,上述的例子不能說完全是由中國所引起的,但是,在一定程度上,對拉美地區(qū)近年來的發(fā)展趨勢上確實起了不可忽視的作用。
[Abstract]:Economic and trade relations between China and Latin America have multiplied since China's accession to the World Trade Organization. Data show that between 2000 and 2014, China has jumped to the second largest trading partner in Latin America and the Caribbean after the United States. Over the past few years, China's relations with Latin America have flourished, thanks in large part to China's growing demand for the region's rich natural resources. Such rapid and special trade growth has sparked various debates and opinions, such as "China's rise" and "China's threat." The latter is particularly popular in American academic circles. The United States is a pivotal position in both Latin America's geographic and political position. The triangular relationship between Latin America and the United States and China was affected by China's accession to the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 2001, for example, China became North America as a result. China's activities in Latin America are not as important as its role in Africa. In academia, although the number of relevant abstracts is increasing, they are still very limited. Debates over the economic and political implications of the region, especially about whether China will challenge U.S. hegemony in the region, are growing. Therefore, this study attempts to explore, from a Latin American perspective, the bilateral activities of Sino-Latin American economic relations in recent years and to highlight the changes directly or indirectly caused by China's more active activities in some Latin American countries. Mexico does not export large quantities of raw materials to China as Brazil or Chile does, and Mexico sees China as a strong competitor for its exports to third-party markets such as the United States. All this has led to tensions between China and Mexico. Second, trade interdependence between Latin American countries is not high. For example, the proportion of intra-regional exports to their total foreign trade is less than 20% of Latin American countries'trade dependence. MERCOSUR is even lower than this average, far lower than the North American Free Trade Area and the North American Free Trade Area. ASEAN is close to 50%. As the region imports more goods from China, exports from some American countries, such as Brazil and Argentina, have been replaced to some extent. Although this trend exists, it seems that no Latin American country has a clear strategy for China in the short, medium or long term. The impact on Latin America is not only economic, but also political, such as Brazil. Since the 1990s, Brazilian diplomacy has entered an unprecedented period of active policy practice at the regional level through the formation of the Southern Common Market (MERCOSUR) and the promotion of regional cooperation and integration among South American countries. The regional dimension has also become the whole country of Brazil. In recent years, Brazil's pursuit and practice has taken on a mild, soft form and style, that is, while guaranteeing its own core interests, it has clearly reserved space for other South American countries to realize its own interests. This clever use of power is called "consensus hegemony"; under the guidance of "consensus hegemony" In the course of its dynamic evolution, Brazil's regional strategy has been recognized, partially accepted and totally rejected by its neighbours. But in the international arena, Brazil has acquired the legitimate status and recognition of regional powers in the process of cooperation with China in order to realize its foreign policy. Of course, the above examples can not be said to be entirely cited by China. However, to a certain extent, it has played an important role in the development trend of Latin America in recent years.
【學位授予單位】：南京大學
【學位級別】：碩士
【學位授予年份】：2017
【分類號】：D822.373
本文編號：2236605
[Abstract]:Economic and trade relations between China and Latin America have multiplied since China's accession to the World Trade Organization. Data show that between 2000 and 2014, China has jumped to the second largest trading partner in Latin America and the Caribbean after the United States. Over the past few years, China's relations with Latin America have flourished, thanks in large part to China's growing demand for the region's rich natural resources. Such rapid and special trade growth has sparked various debates and opinions, such as "China's rise" and "China's threat." The latter is particularly popular in American academic circles. The United States is a pivotal position in both Latin America's geographic and political position. The triangular relationship between Latin America and the United States and China was affected by China's accession to the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 2001, for example, China became North America as a result. China's activities in Latin America are not as important as its role in Africa. In academia, although the number of relevant abstracts is increasing, they are still very limited. Debates over the economic and political implications of the region, especially about whether China will challenge U.S. hegemony in the region, are growing. Therefore, this study attempts to explore, from a Latin American perspective, the bilateral activities of Sino-Latin American economic relations in recent years and to highlight the changes directly or indirectly caused by China's more active activities in some Latin American countries. Mexico does not export large quantities of raw materials to China as Brazil or Chile does, and Mexico sees China as a strong competitor for its exports to third-party markets such as the United States. All this has led to tensions between China and Mexico. Second, trade interdependence between Latin American countries is not high. For example, the proportion of intra-regional exports to their total foreign trade is less than 20% of Latin American countries'trade dependence. MERCOSUR is even lower than this average, far lower than the North American Free Trade Area and the North American Free Trade Area. ASEAN is close to 50%. As the region imports more goods from China, exports from some American countries, such as Brazil and Argentina, have been replaced to some extent. Although this trend exists, it seems that no Latin American country has a clear strategy for China in the short, medium or long term. The impact on Latin America is not only economic, but also political, such as Brazil. Since the 1990s, Brazilian diplomacy has entered an unprecedented period of active policy practice at the regional level through the formation of the Southern Common Market (MERCOSUR) and the promotion of regional cooperation and integration among South American countries. The regional dimension has also become the whole country of Brazil. In recent years, Brazil's pursuit and practice has taken on a mild, soft form and style, that is, while guaranteeing its own core interests, it has clearly reserved space for other South American countries to realize its own interests. This clever use of power is called "consensus hegemony"; under the guidance of "consensus hegemony" In the course of its dynamic evolution, Brazil's regional strategy has been recognized, partially accepted and totally rejected by its neighbours. But in the international arena, Brazil has acquired the legitimate status and recognition of regional powers in the process of cooperation with China in order to realize its foreign policy. Of course, the above examples can not be said to be entirely cited by China. However, to a certain extent, it has played an important role in the development trend of Latin America in recent years.
【學位授予單位】：南京大學
【學位級別】：碩士
【學位授予年份】：2017
【分類號】：D822.373
【參考文獻】
相關(guān)期刊論文 前1條
1 張森根;;關(guān)于拉丁美洲多樣性的思考[J];西南科技大學學報(哲學社會科學版);2014年06期
，本文編號：2236605
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