本文選題：小布什政府 + 美國(guó)對(duì)臺(tái)政策�。� 參考：《中共中央黨�！�2011年碩士論文

【摘要】：本文旨在通過(guò)對(duì)小布什政府對(duì)臺(tái)政策的回顧和梳理,探求其對(duì)臺(tái)政策的規(guī)律和特點(diǎn),從中總結(jié)出些許對(duì)我處理中美關(guān)系和臺(tái)灣問(wèn)題的啟示和借鑒意義。本文主要分為四個(gè)部分。 第一部分簡(jiǎn)要回顧了小布什政府兩屆任期對(duì)臺(tái)政策的主要內(nèi)容。小布什政府第一任期伊始,基于遏制和防范中國(guó)的戰(zhàn)略考量,其臺(tái)海政策明顯朝偏向臺(tái)灣一方傾斜,從政治、經(jīng)濟(jì)、軍事等方面全面提升了美臺(tái)關(guān)系�！�9·11”恐怖襲擊的發(fā)生給中美關(guān)系的改善帶來(lái)了新的契機(jī),小布什政府重新審視并調(diào)整了中美關(guān)系,由強(qiáng)調(diào)中國(guó)的威脅轉(zhuǎn)變?yōu)閺?qiáng)調(diào)與中國(guó)的合作,其對(duì)華對(duì)臺(tái)政策表現(xiàn)出了緩和的姿態(tài)。但是,這并沒(méi)有從根本上改變美國(guó)對(duì)華戰(zhàn)略防范和在臺(tái)灣問(wèn)題上的強(qiáng)硬政策,小布什政府的扶臺(tái)舉措仍然不斷出臺(tái)。在第二任期,小布什政府基本延續(xù)了其第一任期“9·11”之后的對(duì)臺(tái)政策,繼續(xù)深化與臺(tái)灣的實(shí)質(zhì)性關(guān)系,對(duì)陳水扁當(dāng)局的“臺(tái)獨(dú)”行為進(jìn)行了必要的阻遏,同時(shí)在第二任期后半段隨著臺(tái)灣“大選”的臨近,加強(qiáng)了同臺(tái)灣在野黨國(guó)民黨以及民進(jìn)黨其他領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人的關(guān)系,以保持和強(qiáng)化美國(guó)對(duì)臺(tái)灣的影響力。 第二部分主要闡述了小布什政府對(duì)臺(tái)政策的特點(diǎn)。通過(guò)對(duì)小布什政府對(duì)臺(tái)政策主要內(nèi)容的回顧分析總結(jié)出了三個(gè)主要特點(diǎn),具體表現(xiàn)為:小布什政府對(duì)臺(tái)政策具有內(nèi)在矛盾性;對(duì)臺(tái)海事務(wù)介入加深,實(shí)質(zhì)上扮演了偏向“臺(tái)獨(dú)”勢(shì)力的“調(diào)和人”角色;軍事關(guān)系優(yōu)于政治關(guān)系發(fā)展。這三個(gè)特點(diǎn)貫穿小布什政府對(duì)臺(tái)政策的始終,也是其對(duì)臺(tái)政策最本質(zhì)的體現(xiàn)。 第三部分重點(diǎn)分析了影響小布什政府對(duì)臺(tái)政策的主要因素。對(duì)臺(tái)政策作為小布什政府的一項(xiàng)具體對(duì)外政策,是一系列因素綜合作用的結(jié)果。這些因素大致可以分為外部因素和內(nèi)部因素兩類,外部因素主要指國(guó)際背景;內(nèi)部因素包括:保守主義思潮、美國(guó)國(guó)會(huì)以及軍工利益集團(tuán)的壓力等。 第四部分試圖在以上三部分的分析基礎(chǔ)上,對(duì)美國(guó)對(duì)臺(tái)政策走向進(jìn)行預(yù)測(cè)并對(duì)處理兩岸關(guān)系提出一些思考。根據(jù)歷屆美國(guó)政府和現(xiàn)任小布什政府的一系列對(duì)臺(tái)政策和做法,大致可以預(yù)測(cè)出一些美國(guó)對(duì)臺(tái)政策的走向,包括:美國(guó)將繼續(xù)插手臺(tái)灣問(wèn)題;美國(guó)對(duì)臺(tái)將繼續(xù)實(shí)行以“維持現(xiàn)狀”為目標(biāo)的兩手政策;為了維持臺(tái)海局勢(shì)穩(wěn)定,美國(guó)會(huì)對(duì)兩岸關(guān)系和平發(fā)展予以一定支持。回顧和分析小布什政府的對(duì)臺(tái)政策,對(duì)我們處理臺(tái)灣問(wèn)題有以下幾點(diǎn)啟示:一是保持中國(guó)大陸的發(fā)展是國(guó)家統(tǒng)一的堅(jiān)強(qiáng)保證;二是夯實(shí)中美之間的戰(zhàn)略利益基礎(chǔ),進(jìn)一步削弱臺(tái)灣問(wèn)題在中美戰(zhàn)略關(guān)系結(jié)構(gòu)中的地位;三是重視臺(tái)灣的主動(dòng)性;四是致力于和平統(tǒng)一,但決不承諾放棄使用武力。
[Abstract]:Through reviewing and combing the Bush administration's policy towards Taiwan, this paper explores the laws and characteristics of its policy towards Taiwan, and sums up some enlightenments and references to China's handling of Sino-US relations and the Taiwan issue. This paper is divided into four parts. The first part briefly reviews the main contents of Bush administration's two-term Taiwan policy. At the beginning of the Bush administration's first term, based on the strategic considerations of containing and guarding against China, its Taiwan Strait policy obviously tilted in favor of the Taiwan side, in terms of politics and economy. Military and other aspects have comprehensively enhanced US-Taiwan relations. The "9 / 11" terrorist attacks have brought new opportunities to the improvement of Sino-US relations. The Bush administration has re-examined and adjusted Sino-US relations. From emphasizing China's threat to emphasizing cooperation with China, China's policy toward Taiwan has taken a conciliatory stance. However, this has not fundamentally changed the United States' strategic defense against China and its tough policy on the Taiwan issue, and the Bush administration's efforts to help Taiwan continue to emerge. In the second term, the Bush administration basically continued its Taiwan policy after its first term of "11 September," continued to deepen its substantive relations with Taiwan, and carried out a necessary deterrent to Chen Shuibian's "Taiwan independence" behavior. At the same time, with Taiwan's "general election" approaching in the second half of its second term, relations with the opposition KMT and other leaders of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) have been strengthened in order to maintain and strengthen the US influence on Taiwan. The second part mainly expounds the characteristics of Bush administration's Taiwan policy. Through the review and analysis of the main contents of the Bush administration's Taiwan policy, three main characteristics have been summed up, including: the inherent contradictions in the Bush administration's Taiwan policy; and the deepening involvement in Taiwan affairs. In fact, military relations play the role of mediators in favor of Taiwan independence forces, and military relations are superior to the development of political relations. These three characteristics run through the Bush administration's Taiwan policy all the time, and are also the most essential embodiment of its Taiwan policy. The third part analyzes the main factors that influence the Bush administration's Taiwan policy. As a specific foreign policy of Bush administration, Taiwan policy is the result of a series of factors. These factors can be divided into two categories: external factors and internal factors, which mainly refer to the international background, and internal factors include: conservatism, the pressure of Congress and military interest groups and so on. The fourth part attempts to forecast the trend of American policy toward Taiwan on the basis of the analysis of the above three parts and puts forward some thoughts on how to deal with cross-strait relations. According to a series of policies and practices of the previous US government and the current Bush administration, we can roughly predict the trend of some US policies towards Taiwan, including: the United States will continue to interfere in the Taiwan issue; The United States will continue to implement a two-hand policy aimed at "maintaining the status quo," and in order to maintain stability in the Taiwan Strait, the United States will give certain support to the peaceful development of cross-strait relations. The review and analysis of the Bush administration's policy towards Taiwan has the following implications for our handling of the Taiwan issue: first, maintaining the development of the Chinese mainland is a strong guarantee for national reunification; and second, consolidating the strategic interest basis between China and the United States. It is necessary to further weaken the position of the Taiwan issue in the structure of Sino-US strategic relations; third, to attach importance to Taiwan's initiative; and fourth, to work for peaceful reunification, but will never commit itself to renouncing the use of force.
【學(xué)位授予單位】：中共中央黨校
【學(xué)位級(jí)別】：碩士
【學(xué)位授予年份】：2011
【分類號(hào)】：D871.2;D618

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