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奧巴馬政府“重返亞太”戰(zhàn)略分析與評估(2009-2012)

發(fā)布時間:2018-04-01 03:14

  本文選題:“重返亞太”戰(zhàn)略 切入點:分析評估 出處:《國際關系學院》2013年碩士論文


【摘要】:冷戰(zhàn)結束后,亞太地區(qū)在美國全球戰(zhàn)略中的地位開始上升。進入21世紀以來,從世界范圍來看,經濟全球化催生了以中國、印度等為代表的新興經濟體群體性崛起,,并推動了世界政治多極化不可逆轉的向前發(fā)展。以美國為首的西方國家主導了幾百年的世界秩序正在以一種前所未有的平穩(wěn)方式悄然發(fā)生變化。亞太地區(qū)加速崛起為新的世界地緣政治經濟中心,中國、印度等一批亞太新興國家的崛起、因兩場戰(zhàn)爭導致的對亞太戰(zhàn)略投入不足、以美國及伴隨亞太經濟發(fā)展日益加強的經濟利益是推動奧巴馬政府出臺亞太戰(zhàn)略的直接動因。 奧巴馬政府亞太戰(zhàn)略的核心目標是全面鞏固和加強美國在亞太地區(qū)的領導力,進而維持一個長期穩(wěn)定、安全的地區(qū)環(huán)境,以及以開放的經濟、和平解決爭端、尊重普世權利和自由為基礎的區(qū)域秩序。在第一任期內推行亞太戰(zhàn)略過程中,奧巴馬政府以“強化同盟關系”、“建立新興伙伴”、“參與多邊機制”為重要手段,在“維護地區(qū)安全”、“打造繁榮經濟”、和“尊重普世價值”三條戰(zhàn)線上積極塑造美國的影響力和領導力。其中一個非常鮮明的特點就是利用亞太尤其是東亞地區(qū)安全問題和突發(fā)事件及時強化美國對地區(qū)安全問題的介入和主導,進而全面更新同盟關系、實現了亞太軍事部署的戰(zhàn)略性調整。也就是說,在過去四年亞太戰(zhàn)略手段中,軍事色彩尤為突出;經濟上的“TPP”協議和政治上加入東亞峰會也在不同程度上加強了美國在亞太地區(qū)的影響力,可以說美國較小的“非物質”戰(zhàn)略投入,換來了加大了“實質性”戰(zhàn)略效果,這就是全面加強了地區(qū)存在。 與此同時,亞太戰(zhàn)略不是美國全球戰(zhàn)略的全部。在加大亞太戰(zhàn)略投入的同時,奧巴馬政府將在第二任期內努力實現亞太戰(zhàn)略與全球戰(zhàn)略、亞太戰(zhàn)略中軍事、政治、經濟手段之間、東北亞與東南亞戰(zhàn)略地帶之間、以及中國與中國周邊國家之間的戰(zhàn)略再平衡。另一方面,這一戰(zhàn)略具有其制約因素,地理上的距離、經濟上發(fā)展和減縮財政的不確定性、世界格局中不斷出現的新變化都制約著美國亞太戰(zhàn)略的推行的限度,而同時實現中美關系在亞太地區(qū)的良性互動至關重要。
[Abstract]:After the end of the Cold War, the position of the Asia-Pacific region in the global strategy of the United States began to rise.Since the beginning of the 21st century, economic globalization has given birth to the emergence of a group of emerging economies, such as China and India, and has promoted the irreversible development of multipolarization in world politics.The world order, led by the United States for hundreds of years, is quietly changing in an unprecedented, smooth way.The Asia-Pacific region has accelerated its rise as a new geopolitical and economic center of the world. China, India, and other emerging Asia-Pacific countries have risen because of inadequate strategic investment in the Asia-Pacific region as a result of the two wars.The growing economic interests of the United States and the Asia-Pacific region are the direct driving forces behind the Obama administration's Asia-Pacific strategy.The central goal of the Obama administration's Asia-Pacific strategy is to fully consolidate and strengthen U.S. leadership in the Asia-Pacific region, thereby maintaining a stable, secure regional environment for the long term and a peaceful settlement of disputes with an open economy.Regional order based on respect for universal rights and freedoms.During its first term of office, the Obama administration used "strengthening alliances", "building new partners" and "participating in multilateral mechanisms" as important means to "maintain regional security" and "build a prosperous economy."And respect for universal values on the three fronts to actively shape American influence and leadership.One of the most distinctive features is to use security issues and emergencies in the Asia-Pacific region, especially in East Asia, to strengthen US involvement and leadership in regional security issues in a timely manner, thereby comprehensively updating the alliance relationship.The strategic readjustment of military deployment in Asia and the Pacific has been realized.That is to say, in the past four years, the military color has been particularly prominent in the Asia-Pacific strategic means; the economic "TPP" agreement and political participation in the East Asia Summit have also, to varying degrees, strengthened the US influence in the Asia-Pacific region.It can be said that the small "immaterial" strategic investment of the United States has increased the "substantial" strategic effect, which is the overall strengthening of the regional presence.At the same time, the Asia-Pacific strategy is not the whole of America's global strategy.While increasing strategic investment in the Asia-Pacific region, the Obama administration will strive to realize the Asia-Pacific strategy and the global strategy during the second term, between military, political and economic means in the Asia-Pacific strategy, between Northeast Asia and Southeast Asia, and between the strategic areas of Northeast Asia and Southeast Asia.And the strategic rebalancing between China and its neighboring countries.On the other hand, this strategy has its constraints, geographical distance, economic development and reduction of fiscal uncertainty, new changes in the world pattern, which restrict the limits of the implementation of the Asia-Pacific strategy of the United States.At the same time, the realization of Sino-American relations in the Asia-Pacific region of benign interaction is essential.
【學位授予單位】:國際關系學院
【學位級別】:碩士
【學位授予年份】:2013
【分類號】:D871.2

【參考文獻】

相關期刊論文 前6條

1 許琳;;奧巴馬政府亞太戰(zhàn)略解析[J];東北亞論壇;2012年04期

2 吳心伯;;論奧巴馬政府的亞太戰(zhàn)略[J];國際問題研究;2012年02期

3 趙明昊;;“重返”還是“重構”:試析當前美國亞太戰(zhàn)略調整[J];當代世界;2010年12期

4 林利民;;試評析21世紀“世界轉型”與中國的新機遇[J];現代國際關系;2010年S1期

5 王鴻剛;;美國的亞太戰(zhàn)略與中美關系的未來[J];現代國際關系;2011年01期

6 袁鵬;;關于構建中美新型大國關系的戰(zhàn)略思考[J];現代國際關系;2012年05期



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