本文關(guān)鍵詞：“全球的地方感”理論述評(píng)與廣州案例解讀，由筆耕文化傳播整理發(fā)布。

[1] <mixed-citation publication-type="journal"><name>Oakes <given-names>T.Place and the Paradox of Modernity[J].Annals of the Association of American Geographers,<year>1997,<volume>87(3):<fpage>509-<lpage>531.

The concept of place has, over the past decade, been invigorated theoretically by geographers emphasizing the unboundedness, historical dynamism, and multiple identities inherent in places. This work is often characterized as a new way of conceiving place, enabled in part by the rise of postmodern cultural and social theory and the related demise of modernism in academia. Modernism, it has been claimed, devalued place as a relevant vehicle for understanding social change. This paper, however, contends that in fact place has been a particularly significant terrain for representing the experience of modernity, and that the conception of place envisioned in contemporary cultural geography has important humanistic roots in much nineteenth- and twentieth-century literature. The paper examines the intersections between this literary tradition of place representation and academic geography, examining the work of Goethe and Hardy, and the fiction of Raymond Williams. These writers articulated a vision of place not as the site of by-gone traditions and knowable communities, but as the landscape of modernity's paradoxes and contradictions. While there have been echoes of this distinctly modern approach to place in cultural geography, it is often obscured by a focus on the oppositional geopolitics of resistance. I argue that the vision of place derived from the literature discussed can serve as a template for examining the contemporary cultural dynamics of socioeconomic transformation and restructuring, and is advocated here as a basis for evaluating the cultural politics of place in terms of the contradiction and paradox鈥攁s opposed to a narrower conception of progressive politics鈥攚ith which people continue to engage the changes swirling around them.

DOI: 10.1111/1467-8306.00066     

[2] <mixed-citation publication-type="journal"><name lang="CN">周大鳴. 都市化中的文化轉(zhuǎn)型[J].中山大學(xué)學(xué)報(bào)(社會(huì)科學(xué)版),<year>2013,<volume>53(3):<fpage>97~<lpage>102.

對(duì)于中國(guó)大部分地區(qū)來(lái)說(shuō),現(xiàn)階段是一個(gè)從鄉(xiāng)村社會(huì)向都市社會(huì)轉(zhuǎn)變 的時(shí)期,這個(gè)轉(zhuǎn)變的過(guò)程也成為從農(nóng)業(yè)文明向都市文明轉(zhuǎn)化的文化轉(zhuǎn)型過(guò)程,相較于社會(huì)轉(zhuǎn)型,文化轉(zhuǎn)型是一個(gè)長(zhǎng)期、隱蔽的過(guò)程.從人類學(xué)角度看待都市化過(guò)程中 發(fā)生的文化轉(zhuǎn)型現(xiàn)象,從家庭、社會(huì)關(guān)系以及社會(huì)整合模式等較為典型的方面進(jìn)行闡釋,將對(duì)文化轉(zhuǎn)型的研究、都市化研究及中國(guó)社會(huì)的研究帶來(lái)啟發(fā).

[3] <mixed-citation publication-type="journal"><name>Tuan <given-names>Y.Place:an experiential perspective[J].Geographical Review, <year>1975,<volume>65(2):<fpage>151-<lpage>165.

INTEREST in place and in the meaning of place is universal. The academic discipline that studies place is geography. Geographers have approached the study of place from two main perspectives: place as location, a unit within a hierarchy of units in space; and place as a

DOI: 10.2307/213970     

[4] <mixed-citation publication-type="journal"><name lang="CN">江泓,<name lang="CN">張四維.生產(chǎn)、復(fù)制與特色消亡——“空間生產(chǎn)”視角下的城市特色危機(jī)[J].城市規(guī)劃學(xué)刊,<volume>2009(4):<fpage>40~<lpage>45.

從"空間生產(chǎn)"的視角,對(duì)當(dāng)代中國(guó)出現(xiàn)的城市特色危機(jī)做出解讀和剖析.通過(guò)分析特色危機(jī)與資本空間生產(chǎn)的關(guān)系,闡述城市特色危機(jī)在當(dāng)代中國(guó)快速城市化過(guò)程中出現(xiàn)的原因和必然性.并提出在規(guī)劃實(shí)踐中時(shí)城市特色進(jìn)行改善的思路.

DOI: 10.3969/j.issn.1000-3363.2009.04.008     

[5] <mixed-citation publication-type="journal"><name lang="CN">吳廷燁,<name lang="CN">劉云剛,<name lang="CN">王豐龍.城鄉(xiāng)結(jié)合部流動(dòng)人口聚居區(qū)的空間生產(chǎn)——以廣州市瑞寶村為例[J].人文地理, <year>2013,<volume>28(6):<fpage>86~<lpage>91.

空間的生產(chǎn)理論是當(dāng)前解釋中國(guó) 城市空間開發(fā)現(xiàn)象的重要理論工具,也是目前學(xué)術(shù)界相關(guān)研究的熱點(diǎn)。中國(guó)對(duì)于空間生產(chǎn)理論的研究當(dāng)前主要著眼于宏觀的制度、資本等要素,而本文以廣州市瑞寶 村為例,探討了由流動(dòng)人口推動(dòng)的城鄉(xiāng)結(jié)合部"弱"空間生產(chǎn)過(guò)程。研究發(fā)現(xiàn),城鄉(xiāng)結(jié)合部流動(dòng)人口聚居區(qū)的空間生產(chǎn)是流動(dòng)人口在當(dāng)前的戶籍、土地、政府監(jiān)管與 城市更新制度之下,通過(guò)積極的區(qū)位選擇、社會(huì)網(wǎng)絡(luò)關(guān)系帶動(dòng)實(shí)現(xiàn)了對(duì)空間的占據(jù)、鞏固和空間的持續(xù)占有,其空間生產(chǎn)的結(jié)果是形成一個(gè)以流動(dòng)人口為主體、以社 會(huì)網(wǎng)絡(luò)關(guān)系維系的穩(wěn)定、孤立的同質(zhì)生產(chǎn)社區(qū)。在當(dāng)前的制度體制之下,此類社區(qū)并非個(gè)例,而對(duì)此類社區(qū)的管治,需要從一個(gè)更為綜合的社會(huì)—空間視角進(jìn)行考 量。

[6] <mixed-citation publication-type="journal"><name lang="CN">劉云剛,<name lang="CN">王豐龍.城鄉(xiāng)結(jié)合部的空間生產(chǎn)與黑色集群——廣州M垃圾豬場(chǎng)的案例研究[J].地理科學(xué), <year>2011,<volume>31(5):<fpage>563~<lpage>569.

空間的生產(chǎn)是當(dāng)今西方的主流社會(huì)理論之一,也在逐漸成為解釋中國(guó)城市空間開發(fā)現(xiàn)象的有效工具。但是,目前國(guó)內(nèi)對(duì)空間生產(chǎn)理論的運(yùn)用主要集中于資本和政府作用下的＂強(qiáng)＂空間生產(chǎn)。通過(guò)對(duì)廣州M垃圾豬場(chǎng)的案例研究,探討了制度結(jié)構(gòu)和社會(huì)行動(dòng)等宏微觀要素對(duì)城鄉(xiāng)結(jié)合部空間生產(chǎn)的綜合作用,并展示了一個(gè)由農(nóng)村進(jìn)城移民所發(fā)起的＂弱＂空間生產(chǎn)案例。農(nóng)村進(jìn)城移民通過(guò)積極的區(qū)位戰(zhàn)略、社會(huì)經(jīng)營(yíng)網(wǎng)絡(luò)的營(yíng)造實(shí)現(xiàn)了空間的占據(jù)和空間的生產(chǎn),其背后則折射了戶籍、土地、衛(wèi)生等諸多轉(zhuǎn)型期的制度漏洞�？臻g生產(chǎn)的結(jié)果是一個(gè)以農(nóng)村進(jìn)城移民為主體的產(chǎn)業(yè)和生活單元,即黑色集群的形成,該集群具有非正規(guī)乃至非法特征,在城市管理者的制度擠壓下呈現(xiàn)發(fā)展的不穩(wěn)定性。研究結(jié)果表明,對(duì)此類空間的治理必須首先基于綜合的理解,而不是取締或粗暴管制。

[7] <mixed-citation publication-type="journal"><name>Harvey <given-names>D.Between space and time:reflections on the geographical imaginations[J].Annals of the Association of American Geographers, <year>1990,<volume>80(3):<fpage>418-<lpage>434.

Abstract Although concepts of space and time are socially constructed, they operate with the full force of objective fact and play a key role in processes of social reproduction. Conceptions of space and time are inevitably, therefore, contested as part and parcel of processes of social change, no matter whether that change is superimposed from without (as in imperialist domination) or generated from within (as in the conflict between environmentalist and economic standards of decision making). A study of the historical geography of concepts of space and time suggests that the roots of the social construction of these concepts lie in the mode of production and its characteristic social relations. In particular, the revolutionary qualities of a capitalistic mode of production, marked by strong currents of technological change and rapid economic growth and development, have been associated with powerful revolutions in the social conceptions of space and time. The implications of these revolutions, implying as they do the 鈥渁nnihilation of space by time'鈥檃nd the general speed-up and acceleration of turnover time of capital, are traced in the fields of culture and politics, aesthetic theory and, finally, brought home within the discipline of geography as both a problem and a stimulus for rethinking the role of the geographical imagination in contemporary social life.

DOI: 10.1111/j.1467-8306.1990.tb00305.x     

[8] <mixed-citation publication-type="journal"><name>Harvey <given-names>D.From space to place and back again[M].//Bird J,Curtis B,Putnam T,et al.Mapping the futures: Local cultures,global changes.London:Routledge,<year>1993:<fpage>2-<lpage>29. [9] <mixed-citation publication-type="journal"><name lang="CN">錢俊希,<name lang="CN">錢麗蕓,<name lang="CN">朱竑.“全球的地方感”理論述評(píng)與廣州案例解讀[J].人文地理,<year>2011,<volume>26(6):<fpage>40~<lpage>44.

關(guān)于地方文化意義的研究在西方人文地理學(xué)研究中占據(jù)著重要的地位。全球化背景下，地方的意義正在被全球性力量中和與消解。在這種斷裂之下，原有的對(duì)于“地方性”的想象反而在認(rèn)同形成的過(guò)程中被不斷加強(qiáng)。本土社會(huì)力圖在一個(gè)“時(shí)空壓縮”的“超空間”時(shí)代中，保存其自身基于地方意義的身份認(rèn)同。哈維認(rèn)為，，一切基于地方意義形成的認(rèn)同都是反動(dòng)與禁錮的。他提出，應(yīng)從資本運(yùn)作的角度出發(fā)，理解地方差異的形成，從而理解地方建構(gòu)中的社會(huì)關(guān)系與權(quán)力關(guān)系的建構(gòu)。但馬西則在批判哈維理論的基礎(chǔ)上提出了全球（進(jìn)步）的地方感理論，指出應(yīng)從多樣的社會(huì)建構(gòu)出發(fā)，理解地方性的形成過(guò)程。馬西認(rèn)為，地方的本質(zhì)特點(diǎn)包括：開放以及與外界密切的社會(huì)聯(lián)系；地方本身是一個(gè)過(guò)程，認(rèn)同在不斷的再建構(gòu)過(guò)程中；地方內(nèi)部具有其認(rèn)同的多樣性；進(jìn)步的地方感并不否認(rèn)地方性的存在等�；隈R西的進(jìn)步地方感理論，研究通過(guò)對(duì)廣州關(guān)于移民以及粵語(yǔ)傳承問(wèn)題討論中出現(xiàn)的話語(yǔ)進(jìn)行的文本分析，指出廣州本地社會(huì)在上述討論的過(guò)程中，其少部分話語(yǔ)已經(jīng)呈現(xiàn)出進(jìn)步地方感所批判的禁錮性，因此需要在重新認(rèn)識(shí)地方的過(guò)程中加以修正。

[10] <mixed-citation publication-type="journal"><name lang="CN">吳幸玲. 全球城市消費(fèi)性地景的文化生產(chǎn)以上海的住宅地景為例[J].地理學(xué)報(bào)(臺(tái)灣),<year>2008,(52):<fpage>31~<lpage>52. [11] <mixed-citation publication-type="book" publication-format="print"><name>Tuan <given-names>Y.Space and Place:The Perspective of Experience[M].Minneapolis:University of Minnesota Press,<year>1977:<fpage>3-<lpage>19. [12] <mixed-citation publication-type="journal"><name>Soja E <given-names>W.Postmodern Geographies:The Reassertion of Space in Critical Social Theory[M].London:Verso,<year>1989:<fpage>76-<lpage>93. [13] <mixed-citation publication-type="journal"><name>Cresswell <given-names>T.Place:A Short Introduction[M].Malden:Blackwell Publishers,<year>2004:<volume>31. [14] <mixed-citation publication-type="journal"><name>Relph E <given-names>C.Place and Placelessness[M].London:Pion,<year>1976:<fpage>2-<lpage>46. [15] <mixed-citation publication-type="journal"><name>Eyles <given-names>J.The geography of everyday life[M]//Gregory D,Walford R.Horizons in Human Geography.London:Macmillan,<year>1989:<fpage>102-<lpage>117. [16] <mixed-citation publication-type="journal"><name>Young <given-names>T.Place matters[J].Annals of the Association of American Geographers,<year>2001,<volume>91(4):<fpage>681-<lpage>682.

Place is a process, and it is human experience and struggle that give meaning to place. Place identity is a cultural value shared by the community, a collective understanding about social identity intertwined with place meaning. The process through which place identity is constructed and internalized is poorly understood. This study analyzes the relationship between changing power relations, meanings in the built environment, and the emergence of place identity in two copper mining towns in Sonora, Mexico. I focus on how hegemony is materialized in the landscape. Hegemony can serve to create the perception of harmony between landscape meaning and material reality. If this occurs, place identity emerges. Through the course of my analysis, the focus on two mining towns in Sonora also illustrates the importance of place in political economic change, particularly for neoliberal adjustments in Mexico.

DOI: 10.1111/0004-5608.00265     

[17] <mixed-citation publication-type="journal"><name>Wright J <given-names>K.Terrae incognitae:the place of the imagination in geography[J].Annals of the Association of American Geographers,<year>1947,<volume>37(1):<fpage>1-<lpage>15.

Publication &raquo; Terrae Incognitae: The Place of the Imagination in Geography.

DOI: 10.1080/00045604709351940     

[18] <mixed-citation publication-type="journal"><name lang="CN">朱竑,<name lang="CN">錢俊希,<name lang="CN">陳曉亮.地方與認(rèn)同:歐美人文地理學(xué)對(duì)地方的再認(rèn)識(shí)[J].人文地理,<year>2010,<volume>25(6):<fpage>1~<lpage>6.

地方是現(xiàn)代人文地理學(xué)研究的重 要視角之一。以人本主義地理學(xué)為代表,現(xiàn)代歐美人文地理學(xué)界對(duì)地方性意義以及地方在建構(gòu)個(gè)人與社會(huì)的文化身份認(rèn)同的作用進(jìn)行了深入的探討與研究。地方對(duì)于 個(gè)人與社會(huì)來(lái)說(shuō),不啻是一個(gè)意義的中心,同時(shí)也是構(gòu)建社會(huì)關(guān)系與權(quán)力關(guān)系的媒介。因此,地方意義在身份認(rèn)同的建構(gòu)過(guò)程中有著十分重要的作用。本文從地方— 空間的關(guān)系、地方認(rèn)同的多樣性與動(dòng)態(tài)性、地方認(rèn)同與權(quán)力的關(guān)系以及全球化背景下的地方認(rèn)同四個(gè)方面對(duì)歐美人文地理學(xué)關(guān)于地方與認(rèn)同之間辯證關(guān)系的研究進(jìn)行 系統(tǒng)的述評(píng)。

[19] <mixed-citation publication-type="journal"><name lang="CN">張中華,<name lang="CN">張沛,<name lang="CN">王興中.地方理論應(yīng)用社區(qū)研究的思考——以陽(yáng)朔西街旅游社區(qū)為例[J].地理科學(xué),<year>2009,<volume>29(1):<fpage>141~<lpage>146.

地方是一個(gè)充滿意義的空間,地方理論從人的感覺(jué)、心理、社會(huì)文 化、倫理道德等角度來(lái)認(rèn)識(shí)人與地方之間的關(guān)系.社區(qū)是一個(gè)地方,社區(qū)意識(shí)與社區(qū)感等概念有著與地方理論概念相似性特征.本研究試圖從以人文主義現(xiàn)象學(xué)為哲 學(xué)基礎(chǔ)的地方理論研究取向出發(fā),探討地方理論的基本內(nèi)容,并以陽(yáng)朔西街旅游社區(qū)為典型案例區(qū),來(lái)探討和分析其在社區(qū)應(yīng)用研究中的重要意義.而且這對(duì)當(dāng)前 的"和諧社會(huì)"建設(shè)也具有重要的理論指導(dǎo)意義.

DOI: 10.3969/j.issn.1000-0690.2009.01.023     

[20] <mixed-citation publication-type="journal"><name>Harvey <given-names>D.Justice, Nature,the Geography of Difference[M].Cambridge: Blackwell Publishers,<year>1996:<volume>261. [21] <mixed-citation publication-type="book" publication-format="print"><name>Massey D <given-names>B.Space, Place,Gender[M].Minneapolis:University of Minnesota Press,<year>1994:<fpage>146-<lpage>156. [22] <mixed-citation publication-type="journal"><name>Massey D <given-names>B.A place called home?[J].New Formations,<year>1992,<volume>17:<fpage>3-<lpage>15.

Presents a photo essay with text of a 17th-century rambling Somerset County home in southwest England. How it was converted from three connected cottages into a single structure in 1720; Efforts of present owner Tom Hickman to renovate and update the house without removing any of its historical features; Decoration of the interior with stencils and trompe l'oeil creations.

[23] <mixed-citation publication-type="journal"><name>Pred <given-names>A.Place as historically contingent process:structuration and the time-geography of becoming places[J].Annals of the Association of American Geographers,<year>1984,<volume>74(2):<fpage>279-<lpage>297.

Abstract This paper presents the theoretical foundation for a different type of place-centered or regional geography. The framework rests upon an integration of time-geography and the emerging theory of structuration. It also builds upon a conceptualization of place as a constantly becoming human product as well as a set of features visible upon the landscape. Place is seen as a process whereby the reproduction of social and cultural forms, the formation of biographies, and the transformation of nature ceaselessly become one another at the same time that time-space specific activities and power relations continuously become one another. It is further contended that the ways in which these phenomena are interwoven in the becoming of place or region are not subject to universal laws but vary with historical circumstances. Three empirical foci that suggest themselves from the framework are briefly discussed.

DOI: 10.1111/j.1467-8306.1984.tb01453.x     

[24] <mixed-citation publication-type="book" publication-format="print"><name>Hall <given-names>S.New cultures for old[M]//Massey D,Jess P.A Place in the World? Places, Cultures and Globalization.Oxford:Oxford University Press,<year>1995:<fpage>175-<lpage>213. [25] <mixed-citation publication-type="journal"><name lang="CN">張純,<name lang="CN">王敬甯,<name lang="CN">陳平,<etal lang="CN">等.地方創(chuàng)意環(huán)境和實(shí)體空間對(duì)城市文化創(chuàng)意活動(dòng)的影響——以北京市南鑼鼓巷為例[J].地理研究,<year>2008,<volume>27(2):<fpage>439~<lpage>448.

文化創(chuàng)意產(chǎn)業(yè)成為21世紀(jì)中國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)的重要增長(zhǎng)點(diǎn)。本文以北京南鑼鼓巷的案例,展示了在文化體制改革的背景下,自發(fā)形成的地方創(chuàng)意環(huán)境和實(shí)體空間對(duì)城市文化創(chuàng)意活動(dòng)的影響。近十年來(lái),作為老城中心休閑場(chǎng)所的南鑼鼓巷,已經(jīng)成為演員、導(dǎo)演、編劇和其他藝術(shù)者集中的文化創(chuàng)意地。質(zhì)性訪談和小樣本的問(wèn)卷調(diào)查顯示,豐富的歷史文化遺產(chǎn)、周邊高等級(jí)的藝術(shù)和演出機(jī)構(gòu)提供了創(chuàng)意活動(dòng)的有力支持,有形的歷史文化空間則形成創(chuàng)意過(guò)程的催化劑;而酒吧和咖啡店等的出現(xiàn)使創(chuàng)意人才得以聚集,其中的創(chuàng)意交流活動(dòng)則促進(jìn)創(chuàng)意成果的產(chǎn)生。本文認(rèn)為,打造文化創(chuàng)意園區(qū)并非唯一的發(fā)展之路。是否能吸引具有創(chuàng)意潛質(zhì)的人才,將其有機(jī)地組織并提升集體創(chuàng)造力,進(jìn)而促進(jìn)創(chuàng)意活動(dòng)更密集地發(fā)生才是關(guān)鍵。

DOI: 10.3321/j.issn:1000-0585.2008.02.021     

[26] <mixed-citation publication-type="journal"><name lang="CN">李凡,<name lang="CN">朱竑,<name lang="CN">黃維.從祠堂視角看明至民國(guó)初期佛山宗族文化景觀的流變和社會(huì)文化空間分異[J]. 地理科學(xué),<year>2009,<volume>29(6):<fpage>929~<lpage>937.

明以來(lái)佛山逐漸形成八圖土著宗族文化景觀和僑寓宗族文化景觀并存的格局,對(duì)佛山城市空間發(fā)展產(chǎn)生影響。通過(guò)從古地圖和文獻(xiàn)中提取歷史時(shí)期基本空間數(shù)據(jù)和祠堂等文化景觀地理信息,建立佛山歷史GIS數(shù)據(jù)庫(kù)。以此為基礎(chǔ),通過(guò)景觀復(fù)原、地圖再現(xiàn)、空間分析和景觀分析等方法,以祠堂景觀為視角,解讀明至民國(guó)初期佛山宗族文化景觀時(shí)空演變及其所意涵的社會(huì)文化空間意義。結(jié)果表明①宋元時(shí)期祠堂主要集中在佛山南部大塘涌沿岸,反映出宋代涌入佛山的移民早期多定居在南部;②明代佛山鎮(zhèn)祠堂數(shù)量急增,表現(xiàn)出聚落空間由南部向中部擴(kuò)展的趨勢(shì),祠堂景觀基本形成了以南部的錦瀾、東頭、柵下鋪和中部的祖廟、黃傘鋪為中心的空間格局;③清以后祠堂景觀總體空間格局沒(méi)有大變化,但八圖土著宗族內(nèi)部產(chǎn)生的裂變促使土著祠堂景觀發(fā)生空間擴(kuò)散。土著祠堂與僑寓祠堂景觀空間上既互補(bǔ)又相互混雜,說(shuō)明隨著僑寓的大量進(jìn)入,土著傳統(tǒng)血緣空間被打破,地緣、業(yè)緣等因素增強(qiáng),這正適應(yīng)了佛山城市化發(fā)展的大趨勢(shì)。

[27] <mixed-citation publication-type="journal"><name lang="CN">蔡曉梅,<name lang="CN">朱竑,<name lang="CN">劉晨.情境主題餐廳員工地方感特征及其形成原因——以廣州味道云南食府為例[J].地理學(xué)報(bào),<year>2012,<volume>67(2):<fpage>239~<lpage>252.

地方感的研究為探討人地關(guān)系提供了新的視角.情境主題餐廳作為能提供特殊體驗(yàn)的一種微觀文化空間,為員工構(gòu)造了一個(gè)“異位(heterotopias)”的超現(xiàn)實(shí)空間(hyperreality).本文通過(guò)對(duì)廣州味道云南食府這一典型情境主題餐廳員工的體驗(yàn)式觀察和深度訪談,探討了情境主題餐廳員工對(duì)不同尺度空間產(chǎn)生的不同地方感特征及其原因,得出以下結(jié)論:①員工對(duì)情境主題餐廳及其所處城市的地方感存在差異.他們對(duì)餐廳具有強(qiáng)烈的地方認(rèn)同和地方依賴,對(duì)餐廳所處城市具有地方依賴,但對(duì)餐廳以外的其他城市空間不存在地方認(rèn)同；②員工對(duì)情境主題餐廳地方感特征產(chǎn)生的原因是餐廳融洽的社交環(huán)境、良好的工作和生活環(huán)境以及較高認(rèn)同的情境(文化)；③員工對(duì)情境主題餐廳所處城市地方感特征產(chǎn)生的原因是城市所提供的良好工作條件、較差的自然環(huán)境、低熟悉的城市空間、對(duì)家鄉(xiāng)的依戀和對(duì)“異鄉(xiāng)人”的身份認(rèn)同；④員工對(duì)情境主題餐廳及其所處城市的熟悉程度、環(huán)境和文化認(rèn)同程度和歸屬/依戀程度的差異是員工對(duì)兩者地方感存在差異的原因.結(jié)論對(duì)于豐富地方感在微觀空間層面的理論與實(shí)證研究有重要的價(jià)值,能夠?yàn)槌鞘兄衅渌⒂^文化空間的地方感研究提供借鑒.

DOI: 10.11821/xb201202010     

[28] <mixed-citation publication-type="journal"><name lang="CN">曾國(guó)軍,<name lang="CN">孫樹芝,<name lang="CN">朱竑,<etal lang="CN">等.全球化與地方性沖突背后的跨地方飲食文化生產(chǎn)——基于廣州的案例[J].地理科學(xué),<year>2013,<volume>33(3):<fpage>291~<lpage>298.

以原真性和標(biāo)準(zhǔn)化程度為基準(zhǔn),構(gòu)建基于企業(yè)視角的跨地方文化生產(chǎn)的理論框架,并以廣州泰國(guó)餐廳蕉葉、法國(guó)餐廳塞納河、美國(guó)餐廳肯德基和韓國(guó)餐廳笑味軒為案例,討論跨地方飲食文化生產(chǎn)的類型和特點(diǎn)。結(jié)果表明,原真性與標(biāo)準(zhǔn)化程度不同的4種跨地方飲食文化生產(chǎn)類型（原真標(biāo)準(zhǔn)化文化生產(chǎn)、原真性文化生產(chǎn)、標(biāo)準(zhǔn)化文化生產(chǎn)、異質(zhì)化文化生產(chǎn)）均可能受到消費(fèi)者認(rèn)可,并在市場(chǎng)上持續(xù)經(jīng)營(yíng)。

[29] <mixed-citation publication-type="journal"><name>Cook <given-names>I,<name>Hobson <given-names>K,<name>Hallett <given-names>L,<etal>et al.Geographies of food:'Afters'[J].Progress in Human Geography,<year>2010,<volume>35(1):<fpage>104-<lpage>120.

This third and final ‘Geographies of food’ review is based on an online blog conversation provoked by the first and second reviews in the series (Cook et al., 2006; 2008a). Authors of the work featured in these reviews – plus others whose work was not but should have been featured – were invited to respond to them, to talk about their own and other people’s work, and to enter into conversations about – and in the process review – other/new work within and beyond what could be called ‘food geographies’. These conversations were coded, edited, arranged, discussed and rearranged to produce a fragmentary, multi-authored text aiming to convey the rich and multi-stranded content, breadth and character of ongoing food studies research within and beyond geography.

DOI: 10.1177/0309132510369035     

[30] <mixed-citation publication-type="book" publication-format="print"><name lang="CN">費(fèi)孝通. 關(guān)于文化自覺(jué)的一些自白[M].//費(fèi)孝通文集(第16集).北京:群言出版社,<year>2004:<fpage>55~<lpage>64. [31] <mixed-citation publication-type="journal"><name lang="CN">趙旭東. 從社會(huì)轉(zhuǎn)型到文化轉(zhuǎn)型——當(dāng)代中國(guó)社會(huì)的特征及其轉(zhuǎn)化[J].中山大學(xué)學(xué)報(bào)(社會(huì)科學(xué)版),<year>2013,<volume>53(3):<fpage>111~<lpage>124.

比照社會(huì)轉(zhuǎn)型，一種對(duì)文化形態(tài)轉(zhuǎn)變的理解和思考應(yīng)運(yùn)而生。新媒體的普及使原有文化秩序中時(shí)空意義發(fā)生了轉(zhuǎn)變。網(wǎng)絡(luò)空間的文化重組，帶來(lái)現(xiàn)實(shí)生活中的意義重構(gòu)。在文化自覺(jué)觀念引導(dǎo)下的中國(guó)意識(shí)的構(gòu)建，成為當(dāng)下中國(guó)文化轉(zhuǎn)型的一個(gè)動(dòng)力基礎(chǔ)。文化轉(zhuǎn)型首先是人對(duì)自然界態(tài)度的轉(zhuǎn)變，即從對(duì)自然無(wú)所畏懼的探索和利用，轉(zhuǎn)變到以對(duì)自然的敬畏之心去思考人存在于天地之間的價(jià)值和意義。因此文化轉(zhuǎn)型必然要在人心或心態(tài)上去做文章。

[32] <mixed-citation publication-type="journal"><name>Hamnett <given-names>C.The blind men and the elephant: the explanation of gentrification[J].Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers,<year>1991,<volume>16(2):<fpage>173-<lpage>189.

【Key Words】：

DOI: 10.2307/622612     

[33] <mixed-citation publication-type="journal"><name>Smith <given-names>N.New globalism, new urbanism: gentrification as global urban strategy[J].Antipode,<year>2002,<volume>34(3):<fpage>427-<lpage>450.

This paper uses several events in New York in the late 1990s to launch two central arguments about the changing relationship between neoliberal urbanism and so-called globalization. First, much as the neoliberal state becomes a consummate agent of鈥攔ather than a regulator of鈥攖he market, the new revanchist urbanism that replaces liberal urban policy in cities of the advanced capitalist world increasingly expresses the impulses of capitalist production rather than social reproduction. As globalization bespeaks a rescaling of the global, the scale of the urban is recast. The true global cities may be the rapidly growing metropolitan economies of Asia, Latin America, and (to a lesser extent) Africa, as much as the command centers of Europe, North America and Japan. Second, the process of gentrification, which initially emerged as a sporadic, quaint, and local anomaly in the housing markets of some cities, is now thoroughly generalized as an urban strategy that takes over from liberal urban policy. No longer isolated or restricted to Europe, North America, or Oceania, the impulse behind gentrification is now generalized; its incidence is global, and it is densely connected into the circuits of global capital and cultural circulation. What connects these two arguments is the shift from an urban scale defined according to the conditions of social reproduction to one in which the investment of productive capital holds definitive precedence.

DOI: 10.1111/1467-8330.00249     

[34] <mixed-citation publication-type="journal"><name>Ley <given-names>D.Alternative explanations for inner-city gentrification: a Canadian assessment[J].Annals of the Association of American Geographers,<year>1986,<volume>76(4):<fpage>521-<lpage>535.

Abstract Within the rapidly expanding literature on inner-city revitalization (or gentrification), there has been no attempt to assess in a comparative and systematic manner a range of explanations that have emerged from studies of single cities or even single neighborhoods. Four major explanations of gentrification are reviewed here and then made operational in a correlation and regression analysis of inner-city gentrification in the Canadian urban system between 1971 and 1981. Several of the posited explanations are not supported. Economic and urban amenity factors perform most strongly in the analysis, but demographic and housing factors have less effect. I develop an integrated model and discuss its theoretical implications, including its consistency with staple theory and the interrelatedness demonstrated between housing and labor markets.

DOI: 10.1111/j.1467-8306.1986.tb00134.x     

[35] <mixed-citation publication-type="journal"><name>Ley <given-names>D, <name>Dobson <given-names>C.Are there limits to gentrification? the contexts of impeded gentrification in Vancouver[J].Urban Studies,<year>2008,<volume>45(12):<fpage>2471-<lpage>2498.

This paper examines conditions that impede inner-city gentrification. Several factors emerge from review of a scattered literature, including the role of public policy, neighbourhood political mobilisation and various combinations of population and land use characteristics that are normally unattractive to gentrifiers. In a first phase of analysis, some of these expectations are tested with census tract attributes against the map of gentrification in the City of Vancouver from 1971 to 2001. More detailed qualitative field work in the Downtown Eastside and Grandview-Woodland, two inner-city neighbourhoods with unexpectedly low indicators of gentrification, provides a fuller interpretation and reveals the intersection of local poverty cultures, industrial land use, neighbourhood political mobilisation and public policy, especially the policy of social housing provision, in blocking or stalling gentrification.

DOI: 10.1177/0042098008097103     

[36] <mixed-citation publication-type="journal"><name>Herman R D <given-names>K.The Aloha State place names and the anti-conquest of Hawaii[J].Annals of the Association of American Geographers,<year>1999,<volume>89(1):<fpage>76-<lpage>102.

The islands of Hawaii differ greatly from the other 49 states. Formed by volcanic activity in the North Pacific, they burst with rain forests, waterfalls, and beaches. In this colorful title, students will discover the natural...

[37] <mixed-citation publication-type="journal"><name lang="CN">劉宣. 快速城市化下“轉(zhuǎn)型社區(qū)”空間改造的障礙——廣州、深圳案例[J].地理研究,<year>2010,<volume>29(4):<fpage>693~<lpage>702.

城中村在土地利用、建設(shè)景觀、規(guī)劃管理、社區(qū)文化等方面均表現(xiàn)出 強(qiáng)烈的城鄉(xiāng)差異及矛盾.近年來(lái),我國(guó)部分地區(qū)采取了"轉(zhuǎn)制"的措施來(lái)消除"城中村"的城鄉(xiāng)二元結(jié)構(gòu),形成了兼具城市與鄉(xiāng)村社區(qū)特征的"轉(zhuǎn)型社區(qū)",-人口 由農(nóng)民轉(zhuǎn)為市民、土地由集體所有轉(zhuǎn)為國(guó)有、經(jīng)濟(jì)由集體經(jīng)濟(jì)轉(zhuǎn)為股份公司、管理由村委會(huì)轉(zhuǎn)居委會(huì)-其空間改造也提上日程.從"轉(zhuǎn)型社區(qū)"的土地利用問(wèn)題出 發(fā),介紹目前常用的"轉(zhuǎn)型社區(qū)"改造模式,并分別從"轉(zhuǎn)型社區(qū)"內(nèi)土地產(chǎn)權(quán)和使用主體分析轉(zhuǎn)制后依然存在甚至加劇的改造障礙.研究認(rèn)為,土地的偽國(guó)有化定 義下的不完全產(chǎn)權(quán)、土地非法與合法混雜導(dǎo)致的用地破碎化和現(xiàn)有利益格局下各土地利用主體的成本與收益失衡導(dǎo)致"轉(zhuǎn)型社區(qū)"內(nèi)公共設(shè)施缺乏、土地價(jià)值過(guò)低且 被過(guò)度利用的狀態(tài)難以改變.以此為基礎(chǔ),提出了對(duì)"轉(zhuǎn)型社區(qū)"改造的建議.

DOI: 10.11821/yj2010040012     

[38] <mixed-citation publication-type="journal"><name lang="CN">尹曉穎,<name lang="CN">閆小培,<name lang="CN">薛德升.快速城市化地區(qū)“城中村”非正規(guī)部門與“城中村”改造——深圳市蔡屋圍、漁民村的案例研究[J].現(xiàn)代城市研究,<volume>2009(3):<fpage>44~<lpage>53.

本文分析了"城中村"非正規(guī)部 門的特征和形成原因,指出快速工業(yè)化和城市化、正規(guī)供給渠道不暢、規(guī)劃的缺失、管理的不到位等因素是目前深圳非正規(guī)部門主要集中在"城中村"的主要原因, 由此引發(fā)對(duì)蔡屋圍的綜合整治和漁民村的全面改造兩種改造模式的反思。從宏觀看,現(xiàn)有改造多是從實(shí)施規(guī)劃的角度考慮,而規(guī)劃往往注重物質(zhì)規(guī)劃、輕社會(huì)因素, 這種重物質(zhì)景觀的改造模式過(guò)于簡(jiǎn)單化;從房地產(chǎn)開發(fā)的角度看,"城中村"村民出租房屋的非正規(guī)經(jīng)濟(jì)活動(dòng)是一種房地產(chǎn)開發(fā)行為,漁民村的全面改造還不能滿足 低收入群體的住房需求,蔡屋圍的綜合整治模式應(yīng)是主體改造模式,不同改造模式可以同步推進(jìn);從社區(qū)的角度看,"城中村"屬于一種類型的社區(qū),"城中村"改 造應(yīng)在社區(qū)規(guī)劃的指導(dǎo)下進(jìn)行。最后,對(duì)如何通過(guò)"城中村"改造使非正規(guī)部門正規(guī)化和社區(qū)規(guī)劃等問(wèn)題進(jìn)行了思考,提出"城中村"改造可以將村民視為房地產(chǎn)開 發(fā)的主體之一,將其納入正規(guī)房地產(chǎn)市場(chǎng)體系,將社區(qū)規(guī)劃納入城市規(guī)劃體系。

DOI: 10.3969/j.issn.1009-6000.2009.03.007     

[39] <mixed-citation publication-type="journal"><name lang="CN">呂曉芳,<name lang="CN">王仰麟,<name lang="CN">彭建,<etal lang="CN">等.深圳快速城市化地區(qū)公路沿線土地利用空間集聚[J].地理學(xué)報(bào), <year>2008,<volume>63(8):<fpage>845~<lpage>855.

以2005年深圳市主要公路沿 線6類城市建設(shè)用地為研究對(duì)象,基于景觀格局指數(shù)和空間數(shù)據(jù)挖掘(SDM)中的空間關(guān)聯(lián)規(guī)則,研究不同緩沖帶內(nèi)其建設(shè)用地單一類型、相鄰類型及組合類型的 空間聚集特征。結(jié)果表明:主要公路兩側(cè)以工業(yè)用地為主,"三來(lái)一補(bǔ)"、"三資"企業(yè)為主體的外向型鄉(xiāng)鎮(zhèn)企業(yè)加快了特區(qū)外的農(nóng)村城市化進(jìn)程;城市公共設(shè)施、 教育和醫(yī)療衛(wèi)生用地缺乏,一定程度上妨礙了城市經(jīng)濟(jì)功能的協(xié)調(diào);單一類型建設(shè)用地景觀分異特征趨向于距公路越遠(yuǎn),出現(xiàn)頻率越小,且隨著逐漸遠(yuǎn)離公路線出現(xiàn) 了若干次級(jí)集中區(qū),距公路500-1000m可作為識(shí)別該次級(jí)中心的特征帶;兩類建設(shè)用地之間的空間鄰近分布特征表明,以各類建設(shè)用地為中心與其他類建設(shè) 用地在公路線附近均表現(xiàn)鄰近,沿線附近和較遠(yuǎn)距離上隨工業(yè)用地出現(xiàn)峰值,同時(shí)出現(xiàn)其周圍住宅用地的聚集,特區(qū)外該類現(xiàn)象尤為明顯;土地利用組合特征表明各 類建設(shè)用地均呈很強(qiáng)的空間自相關(guān)性,其中以各類建設(shè)用地與工業(yè)用地的組合尤為普遍,體現(xiàn)了研究區(qū)尤其是特區(qū)外主要工業(yè)承載區(qū)中經(jīng)濟(jì)活動(dòng)空間以工業(yè)區(qū)為中心 的集群效應(yīng)。

DOI: 10.3321/j.issn:0375-5444.2008.08.006     

[40] <mixed-citation publication-type="book" publication-format="print">魏小安等. 優(yōu)質(zhì)生活的創(chuàng)想家:華僑城發(fā)展軌跡的觀察[M].北京:中信出版社,<year>2010:<volume>3. [41] <mixed-citation publication-type="book" publication-format="print"><name lang="CN">董觀志,<name lang="CN">張穎.旅游+地產(chǎn):華僑城的商業(yè)模式[M].廣州:中山大學(xué)出版社,<year>2008:<fpage>36~<lpage>39. [42] <mixed-citation publication-type="journal" publication-format="online">潘陶. 深圳兩會(huì)提案建議:上海賓館要不要拆[N/OL].深圳晚報(bào).<year>2004-<month>02-<day>29. . [43] <mixed-citation publication-type="journal"><name lang="CN">王鴻楷,<name lang="CN">陳坤宏.都市消費(fèi)空間結(jié)構(gòu)之形成及其意義[J].國(guó)立臺(tái)灣大學(xué)建筑與城鄉(xiāng)研究學(xué)報(bào),<year>2000,(9):8,<volume>13, <fpage>43~<lpage>63. [44] <mixed-citation publication-type="journal"><name lang="CN">林耿. 居住郊區(qū)化背景下消費(fèi)空間的特征及其演化——以廣州市為例[J].地理科學(xué),<year>2009,<volume>29(3):<fpage>353~<lpage>359.

以廣州市居住郊區(qū)化過(guò)程中出現(xiàn) 的消費(fèi)錯(cuò)位現(xiàn)象為切入點(diǎn),從消費(fèi)社會(huì)學(xué)的符號(hào)消費(fèi)視角對(duì)其原因進(jìn)行新的解釋。消費(fèi)空間劇場(chǎng)化、消費(fèi)空間時(shí)尚化以及消費(fèi)空間對(duì)消費(fèi)者社會(huì)身份的建構(gòu)功能,使 北京路傳統(tǒng)商業(yè)步行街作為高級(jí)商業(yè)中心地的符號(hào)功能得以建構(gòu)�，F(xiàn)代購(gòu)物中心的符號(hào)表征功能,使天河區(qū)商業(yè)中心成為一個(gè)消費(fèi)者自我實(shí)現(xiàn)的情感化消費(fèi)空間。兩 者重構(gòu)了大城市的中心-邊緣關(guān)系,使到郊區(qū)的居住空間得以拓展而消費(fèi)空間受到抑制,難以發(fā)展高等級(jí)的現(xiàn)代業(yè)態(tài)。隨著城市快速軌道交通的建設(shè),城區(qū)商業(yè)中心 進(jìn)一步加強(qiáng)了對(duì)消費(fèi)者和經(jīng)營(yíng)者的吸引力,新時(shí)期的地下商業(yè)文化也加速了商業(yè)中心的符號(hào)化。城市消費(fèi)空間正向城區(qū)商業(yè)中心極化力量增強(qiáng)的方向演化。

DOI: 10.3969/j.issn.1000-0690.2009.03.008     

[45] <mixed-citation publication-type="journal"><name>Paul D <given-names>E.World cities as hegemonic projects:the politics of global imagineering in Montreal[J].Political Geography,<year>2004,<volume>23(5):<fpage>571-<lpage>596.

4. [47] <mixed-citation publication-type="journal"><name>Miles <given-names>S,<name>Paddison <given-names>R.Introduction:the rise and rise of culture-led urban regeneration[J].Urban Studies,<year>2005,<volume>42(5-6):<fpage>833-<lpage>839.

The article discusses the United Nations-Habitat report :The State of the World's Cities". The report focuses on the cultural impacts of globalization. Previous reports had singled out the problems of, and opportunities for, urban economic growth and the need for improved systems of governance. The 2003 study focused on slums and the upgrading of housing. The 2004 study reflects broader concerns with multiculturalism and exclusion. While the report is concerned with the implications globalization processes have on urban cultural diversity and the problems, particularly those of inequality and governance, to which this gives rise, its concern is also to show how culture has been. Culture can be viewed not just as a challenge to the ability of cities to combine social justice with economic growth, but also the source-ground around which the amelioration of such problems can be sought.

DOI: 10.1080/00420980500107508     

[48] <mixed-citation publication-type="journal"><name lang="CN">諸武毅,<name lang="CN">劉云剛.深圳OCT-LOFT華僑城創(chuàng)意產(chǎn)業(yè)園的空間生產(chǎn)[J].華南師范大學(xué)學(xué)報(bào)(自然科學(xué)版),<year>2013,<volume>45(5):<fpage>106~<lpage>111.

  本文關(guān)鍵詞：“全球的地方感”理論述評(píng)與廣州案例解讀，由筆耕文化傳播整理發(fā)布。

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