本文選題：容美土司　切入點(diǎn)：溪峒社會(huì)　出處：《湖北民族學(xué)院》2015年碩士論文　論文類型：學(xué)位論文

【摘要】：容美土司作為武陵地區(qū)曾經(jīng)最大的土司之一,一度受到中央朝廷的關(guān)注,多次受到朝廷的征調(diào),同時(shí)也對(duì)地方的政治、經(jīng)濟(jì)、文化都產(chǎn)生了重要的影響。土司制度建立之后,隨著國家力量的深入,漢族的宗族文化被土司借取。同樣在容美土司內(nèi)部也經(jīng)歷一個(gè)從被動(dòng)到主動(dòng)的宗族化一個(gè)過程,這既滿足了中央朝廷的統(tǒng)治意圖,更為容美土司的統(tǒng)治提供一個(gè)更為嚴(yán)密的組織體系。但是容美土司的宗族化有其自己的特點(diǎn),在文章最后分析容美土司的溪峒社會(huì)特征。并試圖用生態(tài)人類學(xué)的角度來論述作為不同文化模式的溪峒社會(huì)、容美土司社會(huì)和改土歸流之后的家族社會(huì),在特殊的自然環(huán)境下,形成特殊的經(jīng)濟(jì)文化類型和社會(huì)組織,同時(shí)又表現(xiàn)在思想觀念上的不同。第一部分:導(dǎo)論,對(duì)選題緣由、意義進(jìn)行論述;對(duì)土司制度的總體性研究、容美土司的研究、土家族地區(qū)宗族制度的研究、生態(tài)人類學(xué)的研究等進(jìn)行了梳理和歸納,發(fā)現(xiàn)關(guān)于容美土司的宗族制度研究基本上還是空白;對(duì)宗法、宗族的涵義進(jìn)行了不同的分類和定義。第二部分:對(duì)容美土司宗族組織的過程進(jìn)行描述。首先從容美土司的族譜入手,對(duì)世系特別是對(duì)容美土司始祖問題進(jìn)行考證;把族譜作為一個(gè)從溪峒社會(huì)到宗族社會(huì)過程,以田世爵時(shí)期為從溪峒進(jìn)入到宗族的界點(diǎn);田世爵之后到田舜年之前的時(shí)期在國家意志下被動(dòng)的宗族化;最后落腳點(diǎn)在田舜年時(shí)期,這個(gè)時(shí)期田舜年主動(dòng)的在政治上、文化上進(jìn)行宗族化,并利用宗族組建了一個(gè)嚴(yán)密的政治組織,鞏固和維護(hù)其長久統(tǒng)治。同時(shí)對(duì)容美土司宗族制度的特點(diǎn)也進(jìn)行了歸納。第三部分:對(duì)容美土司時(shí)期的土民社會(huì)狀況進(jìn)行描述。從它的婚姻模式、續(xù)宗方式、分火行為等方面可以看到明顯不同于大河流域的這種社會(huì)組織,在這個(gè)時(shí)期土民還沒進(jìn)入到宗族社會(huì),依然遺留了很多溪峒時(shí)期的生活習(xí)慣。第四部分:改土歸流之后,原屬于容美土司管轄地區(qū)的鶴峰屏山家族組建的特點(diǎn)。從文獻(xiàn)資料和調(diào)查資料可以推測(cè)出,改土歸流之后的鶴峰屏山,在流官頒布一系列的條約之后被迫選擇家族化,從本質(zhì)上當(dāng)時(shí)他們對(duì)這樣的家族化是抗拒的,在形式上表現(xiàn)出對(duì)家族化的變通執(zhí)行,在溪峒社會(huì)和漢族禮儀制度雙重作用之下,他們選擇了一個(gè)合適的度來進(jìn)行家族化。第五部分:認(rèn)識(shí),首先對(duì)容美土司時(shí)期溪峒社會(huì)的遺存現(xiàn)象和違背宗族制度的現(xiàn)象進(jìn)行分析;運(yùn)用生態(tài)人類學(xué)的觀點(diǎn)對(duì)溪峒社會(huì)、容美土司社會(huì)、改土歸流之后的家族社會(huì)等不同的文化模式進(jìn)行分析;最后還旨論述容美土司宗族制度形成的必然和土司制度這種政治制度設(shè)置的悖論。
[Abstract]:As one of the largest Tusi in Wuling area, Rong Mei Tusi was once paid attention to by the central court, and many times by the imperial court. At the same time, it also had an important influence on the local politics, economy and culture. After the establishment of the Tusi system, With the deepening of the national power, the clan culture of the Han nationality was borrowed by the Tusi. It also went through a process from passive to active clan within Rongmei Tusi, which satisfied the ruling intention of the central court. The rule of Yomai Tusi provides a more rigorous system of organization. But the patriarchal style of Yomai Tusi has its own characteristics. At the end of the article, the author analyzes the social characteristics of Xidong in Rongmei Tusi, and tries to use the angle of ecological anthropology to discuss the Xidong society as a different cultural model, the Yomei Tusi society and the family society after changing the land and returning to the stream, under the special natural environment. Forming special economic and cultural types and social organizations, at the same time showing the differences in ideology. Part one: introduction, the reason and significance of the topic, the overall study of the Tusi system, the study of Yomai Tusi, The research of clan system in Tujia area and the study of ecological anthropology have been combed and summarized. It is found that the research on clan system of Rongmei Tusi is basically blank. The meaning of the clan is classified and defined. The second part is to describe the process of the Rong Mei Tusi clan organization. Firstly, the genealogy of the Rong Mei Tusi is followed by textual research on the lineage, especially on the issue of the first ancestor of the Rong Mei Tusi. The genealogy is regarded as a process from the Xidong society to the patriarchal society, and the period of Tian Shijue is regarded as the boundary point from the river cave to the clan, the period from Tian Shijue to the period before Tian Shunnian is passively patriarchal under the will of the state. Finally, in the period of Tian Shunnian, when Tian Shunnian took the initiative in politics and culture, he made use of the clan to form a tight political organization. At the same time, the characteristics of Yomai Tusi clan system are summarized. The third part describes the social conditions of the natives during the period of Yomai Tusi. From the aspects of fire division and other aspects, we can see that this kind of social organization is obviously different from the great river basin. In this period, the indigenous people have not entered the clan society, and still have left behind a lot of the life habits of the river cave period. Part 4th: after changing the land and returning to flow, The Hefeng Pingshan family, originally under the jurisdiction of Rong Mei Tusi, was formed. From literature and investigation, it can be inferred that Hefeng Pingshan, which was converted to land and returned to the river, was forced to choose family after Liu Guan promulgated a series of treaties. In essence, they were resistant to this kind of familization at that time. In form, they showed a flexible implementation of the familization, under the dual role of the Xidong society and the ritual system of the Han nationality. They chose a suitable degree to carry on the familization. 5th part: the understanding, first carries on the analysis to the Yomei Tusi period Xitong society relic phenomenon and the phenomenon which violates the clan system; uses the ecology anthropology viewpoint to the Xidong society, This paper analyzes the different cultural models of Rongmei Tusi society and the family society after reforming the land and returning home. Finally, it discusses the necessity of the formation of Rongmei Tusi clan system and the paradox of the Tusi political system setting up.
【學(xué)位授予單位】：湖北民族學(xué)院
【學(xué)位級(jí)別】：碩士
【學(xué)位授予年份】：2015
【分類號(hào)】：D691.72

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本文編號(hào)：1620753