【摘要】：2006年10月,中共中央編譯局副局長俞可平提出“民主是個好東西”!時至2011年“中國政務(wù)微博元年”,人們認識到“微博是個好東西”,它不反可以娛樂大眾,還可以在某種程度上改變中國的公共政策格局。從2011年起,中國公民開始利用微博問政來重新界定公共政策與政府管理的理念。公民利用微博問政來介入公共事務(wù)、參與政策制定、監(jiān)督官員行為、表達利益訴求,同時各級政府機構(gòu)及公務(wù)人員開設(shè)微博,與民互動、了解民情、薈萃民智、抨擊腐敗、轉(zhuǎn)變作風。官民在微博這一平臺良性互動,使得公民看到政府實現(xiàn)科學、民主執(zhí)政的希望�！拔⒉┓锤钡呐既怀晒�,也給公民帶來了意外驚喜,得到各個階層尤其是處于社會底層公民的追捧。然而,微博作為一種社交手段,其商業(yè)化與娛樂化的屬性,使得微博問政面臨不良信息傳播、非理性情緒宣泄、網(wǎng)民道德自律缺失等問題困擾。本文著從完善制度建設(shè)這一視角,探討突破微博問政困境的路徑。 本文以公共管理、公民參與的相關(guān)理論為支撐,結(jié)合我國當前微博問政的現(xiàn)狀及具體困境,對微博問政與政務(wù)微博的作用機理進行深入剖析,并借鑒可行經(jīng)驗,以制度化路徑做為切入點,提出了突破微博問政困境的制度化策略。圍繞這一思路,本文在結(jié)構(gòu)上分為五部分,首先在緒論中簡要介紹了選題的背景,意義,研究現(xiàn)狀及方法,在第一章中,筆者對微博問政進行一般分析,利用文獻及網(wǎng)絡(luò)術(shù)語對微博問政的概念及功能類型進行界定,為下一步研究奠定基礎(chǔ)。筆者選取2011年3月至2013年12月期間,微博問政的典型案例,將其歸納總結(jié)為五種類型,并從促民主、維民權(quán)、贏民心、逼官廉四個方面闡述微博問政的現(xiàn)實意義；第二章對微博問政的困境進行了系統(tǒng)闡述,包括微博問政大眾性與專業(yè)性的困境,自由表達與非理性表達的困境,微博問政主體話語權(quán)不平等的困境以及政府在應(yīng)對微博問政過程中應(yīng)對不足與反應(yīng)過度的困境,線上交流與線下執(zhí)行脫節(jié)的困境。文章認為,微博問政之所以會陷入困境,與微博自身的缺陷密切相關(guān),然而,更深層次的原因應(yīng)該是公民表達渠道不暢與政府監(jiān)管不力,缺乏長效機制造成的。關(guān)于這幾點,學者們或多或少提出過一些對策,故筆者不再贅述,也不需要再提及網(wǎng)民的道德素養(yǎng)與官員的新聞業(yè)務(wù)素養(yǎng),而把焦點直接切入相關(guān)制度建設(shè),以期能與相關(guān)研究一道為微博問政的良性發(fā)展貢獻綿薄之力。
[Abstract]:In October 2006, Yu Keping, deputy director of the Central Bureau of compilation and compilation of the CPC Central Committee, proposed "democracy is a good thing"! In 2011, "the first year of China's Government Weibo", people recognized that "Weibo is a good thing", it can not only entertain the public, but also to some extent change the pattern of public policy in China. Since 2011, Chinese citizens have used Weibo politics to redefine public policy and government management. Citizens use Weibo to engage in public affairs, participate in policy formulation, supervise officials' behavior, express interest claims, and at the same time set up Weibo at all levels of government agencies and public servants to interact with the people, understand the situation of the people, gather the wisdom of the people, and attack corruption. Change the style. The benign interaction between the government and the people on the Weibo platform makes the citizens see the hope of the government to realize the science and democracy. The accidental success of "Weibo anti-corruption" has also brought an unexpected surprise to citizens, and has been pursued by all classes, especially those at the bottom of the society. However, as a kind of social means, the commercialization and entertainment of Weibo make Weibo face some problems such as bad information dissemination, irrational emotion catharsis and the lack of moral self-discipline of netizens. This article discusses the way to break through Weibo's dilemma of asking for politics from the perspective of perfecting the system construction. Based on the relevant theories of public administration and citizen participation, this paper, combined with the current situation and specific predicament of Weibo in China, makes a deep analysis of the action mechanism of Weibo and government affairs Weibo, and draws lessons from feasible experiences. Taking the institutionalized path as the starting point, this paper puts forward an institutionalized strategy to break through Weibo's dilemma of asking for politics. Around this train of thought, this paper is divided into five parts in structure. Firstly, this paper briefly introduces the background, significance, research status and methods of the topic in the introduction. In the first chapter, the author carries on the general analysis to the Weibo question politics. This paper defines the concept and function types of Weibo politics by using literature and network terminology, which lays a foundation for further research. From March 2011 to December 2013, the author selects the typical cases of Weibo's political inquiry, summarizes it into five types, and expounds the practical significance of Weibo's political inquiry from four aspects: promoting democracy, safeguarding civil rights, winning the hearts of the people and forcing the government to be honest. The second chapter makes a systematic exposition of the dilemma of Weibo's political inquiry, including the plight of the mass and professionalism of Weibo's political inquiry, the dilemma of free expression and irrational expression, and the difficulties of free expression and irrational expression. The dilemma of unequal discourse power of Weibo subjects and the dilemma of inadequate and over-reaction of the government in the process of dealing with Weibo administration, and the disconnect between online communication and offline execution. The paper holds that the reason why Weibo is in a difficult position is closely related to the defects of Weibo itself. However, the deeper reason is that the poor channels of expression of citizens and the lack of government supervision and the lack of a long-term mechanism are the reasons for this. On these points, scholars have more or less put forward some countermeasures, so the author does not repeat, nor does it need to mention the moral literacy of netizens and the quality of news business of officials, but to focus directly on the relevant system construction. In order to contribute to the benign development of Weibo governance together with related research.
【學位授予單位】：湖南師范大學
【學位級別】：碩士
【學位授予年份】：2014
【分類號】：D630;G206.2

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