漢語(yǔ)兒童否定詞與量詞轄域交互習(xí)得的發(fā)展性研究
發(fā)布時(shí)間:2024-04-23 01:14
在英語(yǔ)中,含有兩個(gè)邏輯算子的句子會(huì)產(chǎn)生歧義。例如“a little duck didn’t sit on the chair”里的否定詞和量詞的轄域相互影響,從而句子可以理解為“有一只小鴨子沒(méi)有坐到椅子上”或者“沒(méi)有一只小鴨子坐到椅子上”,前者為同構(gòu)解讀,后者為非同構(gòu)解讀。同時(shí),這兩種解讀形成了一種不對(duì)稱(chēng)的蘊(yùn)涵關(guān)系,也即非同構(gòu)解讀蘊(yùn)含同構(gòu)解讀。雖然從理論上來(lái)說(shuō),擁有同一種結(jié)構(gòu)的漢語(yǔ)句式也可以產(chǎn)生兩種語(yǔ)義解讀,但是理論學(xué)家在研究中一致認(rèn)為,漢語(yǔ)在絕大多數(shù)情況下不存在轄域歧義。然而,這一觀點(diǎn)受到了挑戰(zhàn)。實(shí)證研究發(fā)現(xiàn),兒童和成人都接受量化否定句的非同構(gòu)解讀,即接受轄域歧義。因此,針對(duì)這一爭(zhēng)議,本文旨在研究其他包含否定成分的量化句式是否會(huì)產(chǎn)生轄域歧義。有學(xué)者曾提出當(dāng)兒童遇到句子的兩個(gè)解讀,并且其中一種解讀蘊(yùn)含另一種解讀時(shí),他們就會(huì)遇到語(yǔ)義次級(jí)問(wèn)題(Semantic Subset Problem)。為了解決這一問(wèn)題,學(xué)者們提出了語(yǔ)義子集原則(Semantic Subset Principle)和語(yǔ)義子集公理(Semantic Subset Maxim)。針對(duì)這兩個(gè)原則,不同研究所作出的評(píng)價(jià)褒貶不...
【文章頁(yè)數(shù)】:128 頁(yè)
【學(xué)位級(jí)別】:碩士
【文章目錄】:
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
ABSTRACT
摘要
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
PART ONE GENERAL INTRODUCTION
1.1 Theoretical background
1.1.1 Phenomena of quantification scope
1.1.2 Acquisition of scope relation
1.1.3 Studies of child Mandarin
1.2 Motivation for the study
1.3 Organization of the thesis
PART TWO LITERATURE REVIEW
2.1 Theoretical issues
2.1.1 Scope and scope ambiguity
2.1.2 Hypothesized constraints on children’s acquisition of semantic interpretation
2.2 Studies on the acquisition of scope
2.2.1 Acquisition of scopally ambiguous sentences in English
2.2.2 Acquisition of scopally ambiguous sentences in Chinese
2.2.3 Previous child research of SSP and SSM
2.3 Summary
PART THREE METHODOLOGY
3.1 Hypothesis and research questions
3.2 Experimental design
3.2.1 General design
3.2.2 Subjects
3.2.3 Method and procedure
3.2.4 Materials
PART FOUR RESULTS AND ANALYSIS
4.1 Experimental data collection
4.2 Results of experiment 1
4.3 Results of experiment 2
4.3.1 Between group comparison
4.3.2 Within group comparison
4.4 Results of experiment 3
4.4.1 Between group analysis
4.4.2 Within group analysis
4.5 Summary
PART FIVE GENERAL DISCUSSION
5.1 The meaning of“yi CL N (a/one N)”
5.2 Scope assignment in mandarin-speaking children
5.2.1 Sentences with negation and“yi”-quantified subject
5.2.2 A closer look at“meiyou yi CL N VP (none of N VP)”
5.2.3 Sentences with negation and“you”-quantified subject
5.3 Verification on SSP/SSM
PART SIX CONCLUSION
REFERENCE
APPENDIX
本文編號(hào):3962404
【文章頁(yè)數(shù)】:128 頁(yè)
【學(xué)位級(jí)別】:碩士
【文章目錄】:
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
ABSTRACT
摘要
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
PART ONE GENERAL INTRODUCTION
1.1 Theoretical background
1.1.1 Phenomena of quantification scope
1.1.2 Acquisition of scope relation
1.1.3 Studies of child Mandarin
1.2 Motivation for the study
1.3 Organization of the thesis
PART TWO LITERATURE REVIEW
2.1 Theoretical issues
2.1.1 Scope and scope ambiguity
2.1.2 Hypothesized constraints on children’s acquisition of semantic interpretation
2.2 Studies on the acquisition of scope
2.2.1 Acquisition of scopally ambiguous sentences in English
2.2.2 Acquisition of scopally ambiguous sentences in Chinese
2.2.3 Previous child research of SSP and SSM
2.3 Summary
PART THREE METHODOLOGY
3.1 Hypothesis and research questions
3.2 Experimental design
3.2.1 General design
3.2.2 Subjects
3.2.3 Method and procedure
3.2.4 Materials
PART FOUR RESULTS AND ANALYSIS
4.1 Experimental data collection
4.2 Results of experiment 1
4.3 Results of experiment 2
4.3.1 Between group comparison
4.3.2 Within group comparison
4.4 Results of experiment 3
4.4.1 Between group analysis
4.4.2 Within group analysis
4.5 Summary
PART FIVE GENERAL DISCUSSION
5.1 The meaning of“yi CL N (a/one N)”
5.2 Scope assignment in mandarin-speaking children
5.2.1 Sentences with negation and“yi”-quantified subject
5.2.2 A closer look at“meiyou yi CL N VP (none of N VP)”
5.2.3 Sentences with negation and“you”-quantified subject
5.3 Verification on SSP/SSM
PART SIX CONCLUSION
REFERENCE
APPENDIX
本文編號(hào):3962404
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