漢語(yǔ)的被字句與“受影響性(affectedness)”緊密相連�！笆苡绊懶浴边@一概念通常被解釋為狀態(tài)的變化(Li&Thompson 1981;Huang et al.2009;Huang2013),但前人對(duì)被字句的研究(Huang 1999;Bruening&Tran 2015)卻缺乏從“受影響性”這一角度入手的深入分析。此外,由于直接被字句中的受影響者可以是隱性的(Huang 2014),被字句的主語(yǔ)并不總是受到影響。這一語(yǔ)言現(xiàn)象表明了“被”自身并不像Huang(1999)認(rèn)為的那樣具有賦予題元角色的能力。為了更準(zhǔn)確的描述被字句中的“受影響性”,本文引入Beavers(2011)對(duì)“受影響性”的語(yǔ)義分析,并提出一種被字句的普遍解釋,即“被”對(duì)“受影響性”的需求可以由以下三種手段來(lái)實(shí)現(xiàn):1)實(shí)義動(dòng)詞;2)施用結(jié)構(gòu)(Applicative projection)(Pylkk?nen 2008);3)語(yǔ)用方式(Bruening&Tran 2015)。本文認(rèn)為直接被字句中的“受影響性”由實(shí)義動(dòng)詞或語(yǔ)用方式提供。而間接被字句由于其主語(yǔ)總是受影響卻又不是實(shí)義動(dòng)詞的論元,其...

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【學(xué)位級(jí)別】：碩士

【文章目錄】：
Acknowledgements
Abstract
摘要
Abbreviations
Chapter 1 Introduction
    1.1 Research background
    1.2 Significance of the study
    1.3 Research questions
    1.4 Organization of the thesis
Chapter 2 Deriving Affectedness
    2.1 BEI is not a theta-role assigner
    2.2 BEI does not always introduce a not-at-issue entailment of suffering
    2.3 The affectedness condition on BEI
        2.3.1 Beavers' affectedness hierarchy
        2.3.2 The modular hierarchy of affectedness
Chapter 3 Applicative Projections in Indirect Passives
    3.1 Applicative phrase
    3.2 Chinese possessive passives and ApplP
        3.2.1 Infeasibility of low Appl
        3.2.2 Part-Whole Appl& Maleficiary Appl
    3.3 Maleficiary Appl in gapless passives
    3.4 Appl and cross-linguistic variation
Chapter 4 Conclusions
    4.1 Major findings
    4.2 Limitations of the study
References
作者簡(jiǎn)介



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