本文關(guān)鍵詞： 儒法帝國 告密政治 權(quán)力生產(chǎn) 合法性　出處：《南京大學(xué)》2011年碩士論文　論文類型：學(xué)位論文

【摘要】：無論是傳統(tǒng)還是現(xiàn)代,權(quán)力都是政治的必然性領(lǐng)域,圍繞權(quán)力的爭奪與沖突是透視政治運作的一個絕好窗口。在西方歷史發(fā)展的過程中,經(jīng)過“控制國家”和“馴化君主”的憲政運動,君主(或者皇權(quán))在很大程度上被規(guī)訓(xùn),并且被嵌入作為整體的國家機器的權(quán)力鏈條之中,君主無法作為超然于官僚階級的之外的個體存在,用韋伯的話說,即國家發(fā)展經(jīng)歷了“常規(guī)化”(routinization)與“合理化”(rationalization)的過程。但在帝制時代的中國,官僚階級雖然在一定的程度上展示了其自主性,但是無論從制度安排還是思想觀念上,帝國都呈現(xiàn)為劉澤華所謂的“王權(quán)中心主義”格局。為了使“一姓之朝得以千萬世”,君主采取各種手段強化其統(tǒng)治,擴充其權(quán)力。從這個角度而言,鼓勵告密可以說是專制統(tǒng)治的題中之義。本文即以帝制中國時期權(quán)力系統(tǒng)中的告密政治為研究對象�？疾炝烁婷芘c帝國主導(dǎo)性的意識形態(tài)之間的關(guān)系,運作機制以及擴大化的后果。本文以為,就基本理論預(yù)設(shè)而言,作為帝國主導(dǎo)性的意識形態(tài),悖于血親倫常和朋友義理的告密自然不在儒家的辯護(hù)范圍之內(nèi)。但是由于帝國“儒表法里”或者“外儒內(nèi)法”的統(tǒng)治樣態(tài),告密很多時候被統(tǒng)治者當(dāng)作統(tǒng)治權(quán)術(shù)而大肆使用,致使各個王朝都有不間斷的告密風(fēng)潮發(fā)生。到了專制統(tǒng)治發(fā)展的極端時期,即明清時代,告密政治也被正式作為統(tǒng)治工具被嵌入到權(quán)力鏈條之中,作為一種制度化的權(quán)力生產(chǎn)方式被鼓勵和實施,即表現(xiàn)為一種告密制度化的操作方式。但是由于背離了傳統(tǒng)帝國正統(tǒng)的道德合法性信仰模式,“告密”無法獲得道德上的肯定,所以一般而言,在權(quán)力擴充和合法性生產(chǎn)的辯證關(guān)系中,當(dāng)這種權(quán)力生產(chǎn)方式危及到君主的統(tǒng)治的自身合法性時,君主也就會適時對這一統(tǒng)治行為加以收斂。
[Abstract]:Whether traditional or modern, power is the inevitable field of politics. The contention and conflict around power is an excellent window to see through the operation of politics. As a result of the constitutional movement of "controlling the State" and "domesticating the monarch", the monarch (or imperial power) was largely disciplined and embedded in the chain of power of the state apparatus as a whole. The monarch cannot exist as an individual who is above the bureaucratic class. In Weber's words, national development has gone through a process of "regularization" and "rationalization." but in imperial China, Although the bureaucratic class shows its autonomy to a certain extent, it does not only show its autonomy in terms of its institutional arrangements, but also its ideology. The empires were presented as what Liu Zehua called "Wang Quan's centralism." in order to make "a monarch of one surname possible for a million generations," the monarch adopted various means to strengthen its rule and expand its power. From this perspective, Encouraging snitching can be said to be the meaning of autocratic rule. This paper takes whistleblower politics in the power system of imperial China as the object of study, and examines the relationship between snitch and imperial dominant ideology. The operating mechanism and the consequences of expansion. This paper argues that, in terms of basic theoretical presupposition, as an imperial dominant ideology, Informants that run counter to kinship, kinship, and friendship are naturally outside the scope of Confucian defense. But because of the dominance of the Empire's "Confucianism, form and law" or "outside Confucianism and internal law," snitch is often used by the ruler as a ruling power. In the extreme period of the development of autocratic rule, that is, the Ming and Qing dynasties, the whistleblower politics was formally embedded in the chain of power as a ruling tool. As an institutionalized mode of power production, it has been encouraged and implemented, that is to say, it is a kind of operation mode of systematization of snitching. However, because it deviates from the mode of moral legitimacy belief of traditional imperial orthodoxy, "snitch" can not obtain moral affirmation. Generally speaking, in the dialectical relationship between the expansion of power and the production of legitimacy, when this mode of production of power endangers the legitimacy of the monarch's own rule, the monarch will converge on the rule behavior at the right time.
【學(xué)位授予單位】：南京大學(xué)
【學(xué)位級別】：碩士
【學(xué)位授予年份】：2011
【分類號】：D09

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