本文選題：康熙三十年 + 西安�。� 參考：《華中師范大學(xué)》2013年碩士論文

【摘要】：西安、鳳翔府地處陜西北部,自然地理?xiàng)l件惡劣,災(zāi)害發(fā)生頻繁。康熙三十年,西安、鳳翔二府發(fā)生了嚴(yán)重的旱災(zāi),導(dǎo)致餓殍遍野,百姓饑荒流移,農(nóng)業(yè)生產(chǎn)銳減,給當(dāng)?shù)厣鐣斐闪藧毫拥挠绊�。究其原�?有自然環(huán)境和社會人文環(huán)境的雙重作用。 陜西西安、鳳翔府發(fā)生災(zāi)害以后,以康熙皇帝為核心的清朝政府提出了一系列救濟(jì)災(zāi)害的措施并實(shí)踐著,如康熙皇帝自省、調(diào)遣官員查勘、豁免錢糧、安撫流民、鄰省協(xié)作運(yùn)輸糧食等。但這些措施多為口頭政策,沒有明確成文。在缺乏災(zāi)害監(jiān)督機(jī)制的情況下,政府官員在落實(shí)救災(zāi)政策時并不到位,弊端叢生。 面對突如其來的旱災(zāi),陜西西安、鳳翔地方政府并沒有采取切實(shí)有效的賑濟(jì)政策,而是消極等待、各自為陣、以鄰為壑,導(dǎo)致災(zāi)害影響擴(kuò)大化。鄰省的湖廣襄陽的地方官員俞森,在協(xié)濟(jì)中的態(tài)度和行為比較復(fù)雜,顯得有些被動。在饑荒賑濟(jì)中他由最初的置之不理,空有想法的狀態(tài)轉(zhuǎn)變?yōu)楹髞淼姆e極救濟(jì)。他不敢違抗中央的旨意,因此他的救濟(jì)行為在中央政府的明文規(guī)定和災(zāi)害的具體情況之間徘徊、調(diào)停。最終目的是維護(hù)襄陽地方社會的秩序,控制當(dāng)?shù)厣鐣?在此次災(zāi)害中,民間力量的自發(fā)救濟(jì)不容忽視。西安、鳳翔的當(dāng)?shù)匕傩蘸图澥總儏⑴c到了災(zāi)害賑濟(jì)中。但就賑濟(jì)的效果來看,被災(zāi)百姓和紳士的救濟(jì)能力非常薄弱,他們的救濟(jì)行為多數(shù)是自發(fā)的,零零散散,沒有聚合起來形成一個有效的團(tuán)體。因而,他們的救濟(jì)對整個賑災(zāi)所起的作用微不足道,賑濟(jì)的成效并不大。 在康熙三十年西安、鳳翔府的災(zāi)荒實(shí)踐中,我們欣慰地看到了在清朝初期,中央政府在饑荒賑濟(jì)中處于領(lǐng)導(dǎo)地位。但由于財力有限,中央政府在賑濟(jì)中將權(quán)力下放給地方政府,期望地方政府在災(zāi)害賑濟(jì)中發(fā)揮主導(dǎo)作用來緩解中央的壓力。然而,地方政府在缺乏有效監(jiān)督的情況下,吏治敗壞,財政拮據(jù)。由于交通等客觀因素和自身利益等主觀因素的制約,在鄰省協(xié)濟(jì)中,鄰省地方官員之間并沒有積極主動地溝通和聯(lián)系,貽誤了協(xié)作賑濟(jì)的大好時機(jī),賑濟(jì)政策沒有落到實(shí)處,賑濟(jì)的效率大打折扣。 因此,在賑濟(jì)中,中央政府要及時有效的監(jiān)督地方政府的賑濟(jì),鄰省政府之間也要拋開地方保護(hù)主義的成見,通力合作。只有監(jiān)督和合作兩者兼顧,賑濟(jì)才是有效率的,長久的,雙贏的。
[Abstract]:Xi'an, Fengxiang House is located in the north of Shaanxi Province, natural geographical conditions are harsh, frequent disasters. After 30 years of Kangxi, Xi'an and Fengxiang had a severe drought, resulting in famine and famine, and a sharp decline in agricultural production, which had a bad impact on the local society. Investigate its reason, have the dual function of natural environment and social humanities environment. After the disaster in Xi'an, Shaanxi Province, the Qing government, with Emperor Kangxi as the core, put forward a series of measures to relieve the disaster and put them into practice. For example, Emperor Kangxi introspected himself, sent officials to investigate, exempted money and grain, and appeased the displaced. Neighboring provinces cooperate to transport grain and so on. However, these measures are mostly verbal policies and are not clearly documented. In the absence of disaster supervision mechanism, government officials do not implement the disaster relief policy in place. In the face of the sudden drought, the local governments in Xi'an and Fengxiang of Shaanxi Province did not take effective relief policies, but waited passively for each side to make a beggar-thy-neighbour, resulting in the expansion of the disaster impact. Yu Sen, a local official in Huguang Xiangyang, a neighboring province, is more complex and passive in his attitude and behavior. In famine relief, he turned from an initial, thoughtful state to a later positive relief. He did not dare to disobey the central government's will, so his relief wanders between the central government's provisions and the specific circumstances of the disaster. The ultimate aim is to maintain the order of Xiangyang local society and control the local society. In this disaster, the spontaneous relief of folk forces can not be ignored. In Xi'an, Fengxiang's local people and gentlemen took part in the disaster relief. But as far as the effect of relief is concerned, the relief ability of the affected people and gentlemen is very weak. Most of their relief actions are spontaneous and scattered, and they do not gather together to form an effective group. As a result, their relief to the whole disaster relief plays a negligible role, relief effectiveness is not great. In Kangxi Xi'an, Fengxiang government famine practice, we are pleased to see that in the early Qing Dynasty, the central government in famine relief in the leading position. But because of limited financial resources, the central government devolved power to local governments in the relief effort, hoping that local governments would play a leading role in disaster relief to ease the central pressure. However, the local government in the absence of effective supervision, corruption, financial constraints. Because of the constraints of objective factors such as transportation and subjective factors such as self-interest, in the neighboring provinces, local officials did not actively communicate and communicate with each other, thus delaying the good opportunity for cooperation in relief, and the relief policy did not materialize. The efficiency of relief is greatly reduced. Therefore, in the relief, the central government should supervise the relief of local governments in time and effectively, and the neighboring provincial governments should put aside the preconceptions of local protectionism and cooperate with each other. Only when supervision and cooperation are taken into account can relief be efficient, long-lasting and win-win.
【學(xué)位授予單位】：華中師范大學(xué)
【學(xué)位級別】：碩士
【學(xué)位授予年份】：2013
【分類號】：D632.5;K249

【參考文獻(xiàn)】

相關(guān)期刊論文 前10條

1 倪玉平;試論清代的荒政[J];東方論壇(青島大學(xué)學(xué)報);2002年04期

2 鄒逸麟;明清流民與川陜鄂豫交界地區(qū)的環(huán)境問題[J];復(fù)旦學(xué)報(社會科學(xué)版);1998年04期

3 張杰;清代康熙朝蠲免政策淺析[J];古今農(nóng)業(yè);1999年01期

4 佳宏偉;清代陜西南部的生態(tài)環(huán)境變遷[J];古今農(nóng)業(yè);2005年03期

5 高國榮;;美國著名環(huán)境史學(xué)家唐納德·沃斯特教授訪談錄[J];世界歷史;2008年05期

6 張麗芬;;近十年來國內(nèi)明清社會救濟(jì)史研究綜述[J];歷史教學(xué)問題;2006年05期

7 晏路;康熙、雍正、乾隆時期的賑災(zāi)[J];滿族研究;1998年03期

8 吳曉玲;張楊;;論清代災(zāi)后賑濟(jì)制度及其成效[J];南昌大學(xué)學(xué)報(人文社會科學(xué)版);2010年05期

9 晏路;康熙、雍正及乾隆朝的蠲免[J];滿族研究;1999年01期

10 朱滸;二十世紀(jì)清代災(zāi)荒史研究述評[J];清史研究;2003年02期

相關(guān)博士學(xué)位論文 前2條

1 鞠明庫;災(zāi)害與明代政治[D];華中師范大學(xué);2008年

2 周全霞;清代康雍乾時期的民食安全研究[D];江南大學(xué);2009年

相關(guān)碩士學(xué)位論文 前3條

1 劉統(tǒng)圳;明清陜北災(zāi)荒研究[D];延安大學(xué);2011年

2 董林生;清前期的浙江民間賑災(zāi)研究[D];西南大學(xué);2008年

3 張韜嵐;試論清代陜南地區(qū)的荒政實(shí)施[D];復(fù)旦大學(xué);2010年

，

本文編號：1833902