【摘要】：人心向背是最大的政治,政黨要想持續(xù)獲得民眾認(rèn)可就必須回應(yīng)民眾正常、合理的利益訴求。抗戰(zhàn)勝利后國內(nèi)民眾最根本的利益訴求在于和平、民主與民生。其中和平與民生不僅直接關(guān)系到普通民眾的切身利益,而且也是最容易影響民眾心理變化的因素。戰(zhàn)后初期,國共兩黨進(jìn)行了重慶談判、一同參加了由各黨派和社會賢達(dá)共同組成的政治協(xié)商會議,初步定下了戰(zhàn)后國內(nèi)和平、民主的基調(diào)。如果國民黨發(fā)動內(nèi)戰(zhàn)、繼續(xù)堅(jiān)持-黨獨(dú)裁,將使其政治信譽(yù)破產(chǎn)。與此同時,由于科學(xué)、系統(tǒng)接收政策的缺乏以及國民黨政府自身的腐敗因素使得國民黨政府的形象進(jìn)一步受損,民眾的不滿情緒在蔓延。學(xué)生運(yùn)動的爆發(fā)就是以社會的不滿情緒為鋪墊,基于一定的利益訴求而出現(xiàn)的。學(xué)生愛國民主運(yùn)動中人心向背的轉(zhuǎn)變并不是一蹴而就,而是存在于每一次國共兩黨回應(yīng)學(xué)生運(yùn)動中民眾和平、民主與民生等利益訴求而展開的相互較量。國共兩黨分別在“去政治化”與政治化政策的指導(dǎo)下所采取的應(yīng)對學(xué)生運(yùn)動的具體策略導(dǎo)致青年學(xué)生人心向背的變化。青年學(xué)生與社會各階層有著千絲萬縷的聯(lián)系,而學(xué)生運(yùn)動又反映了民眾的根本利益訴求。因此,學(xué)生運(yùn)動將不可避免地對其他社會階層產(chǎn)生影響,青年學(xué)生政治態(tài)度的變化也將影響其他社會階層的人心向背。國民黨政府既無法有效回應(yīng)民眾利益訴求,又缺乏有效應(yīng)對學(xué)生運(yùn)動的策略。與之相反,中國共產(chǎn)黨通過正確的策略以及對民意的實(shí)質(zhì)性回應(yīng)成功引導(dǎo)了學(xué)生運(yùn)動的走向,將學(xué)生運(yùn)動上升到反對國民黨政府統(tǒng)治的政治高度。在和平無望、民生凋敝、溝通無效的前提下,文化人和市民階層對學(xué)生運(yùn)動的態(tài)度由支持和同情逐漸轉(zhuǎn)變?yōu)樯疃葏⑴c。人心向背的現(xiàn)實(shí)啟示在于及時、有效、合理地回應(yīng)民眾利益訴求。為此,需要加強(qiáng)執(zhí)政黨自身建設(shè),提高政黨的凝聚力與戰(zhàn)斗力；加強(qiáng)執(zhí)政黨執(zhí)政能力建設(shè),提高政黨有效應(yīng)對危機(jī)的能力：厘清執(zhí)政黨與政府的關(guān)系,加強(qiáng)社會凝聚與整合的力度；要以經(jīng)濟(jì)建設(shè)為中心,把民生放在治國理政的顯要位置；大力發(fā)展民主政治,妥善解決民眾參政、議政的政治訴求：加強(qiáng)對社會輿論的引導(dǎo),傳播主流價值觀和社會正能量。
[Abstract]:People's heart-to-heart is the biggest politics, the political party must respond to the people's normal and reasonable interests if they want to continue to be accepted by the public. After the victory of the Anti-Japanese War, the fundamental interests of the domestic people are peace, democracy and people's livelihood. Peace and people's livelihood are not only directly related to the vital interests of ordinary people, but also the most easy to affect the psychological changes of the people. In the early days of the post-war, the Kuomintang and the Communist Party held talks in Chongqing and participated in a political consultative meeting composed of various political parties and social sages, which initially set the tone of peace and democracy in the country after the war. If the Kuomintang waged a civil war and continued its dictatorship, it would ruin its political credibility. At the same time, the image of KMT government was further damaged by science, the lack of systematic reception policy and the corruption of KMT government itself, and the discontent of the people was spreading. The outbreak of student movement is based on social discontent and based on certain interests. The change of people's hearts and minds in the student patriotic democratic movement is not achieved overnight, but exists in the contest between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party in response to the interests of peace, democracy and people's livelihood of the students' movement in each and every time the two parties respond to the interests of the people in the student movement, such as peace, democracy and people's livelihood. Under the guidance of "depoliticization" and "politicization", the specific strategies adopted by KMT and CPC to deal with the student movement lead to the change of the hearts and minds of the young students. The young students are inextricably connected with all social strata, and the student movement reflects the fundamental interests of the people. Therefore, student movement will inevitably have an impact on other social strata, and the change of young students' political attitude will also affect the hearts and minds of other social strata. KMT government can not effectively respond to the interests of the people, but also lack of effective response to student movement strategy. By contrast, the Communist Party of China successfully guided the student movement through the correct strategy and substantive response to public opinion, raising the student movement to a political height against the rule of the Kuomintang government. Under the premise of no hope of peace, poor people and ineffective communication, the attitude of the cultural and civil class towards the student movement has gradually changed from support and sympathy to deep participation. The realistic enlightenment of people's heart-to-heart lies in the timely, effective and reasonable response to the interests of the people. Therefore, it is necessary to strengthen the self-construction of the ruling party and improve the cohesion and combat effectiveness of the political party. Strengthening the ruling party's ruling ability and improving the political party's ability to deal with the crisis effectively: clarifying the relationship between the ruling party and the government, strengthening the strength of social cohesion and integration, taking the economic construction as the center, putting the people's livelihood in the prominent position of governing the country; Vigorously developing democratic politics, properly solving the political demands of people participating in politics and discussing politics: strengthening the guidance of public opinion, spreading the mainstream values and positive energy of society.
【學(xué)位授予單位】：廣西大學(xué)
【學(xué)位級別】：碩士
【學(xué)位授予年份】：2016
【分類號】：K266

【相似文獻(xiàn)】

相關(guān)期刊論文 前10條

1 李金惠;“七·一五”愛國民主運(yùn)動[J];思想戰(zhàn)線;1988年04期

2 邵登旭;;銘記“七·一五”愛國民主運(yùn)動[J];青年與社會;2008年07期

3 浦作;;萬人公祭再掀愛國民主運(yùn)動高潮[J];神州;2007年11期

4 李慧;;南方局與一二·一運(yùn)動的勝利發(fā)展[J];云南師范大學(xué)學(xué)報(bào)(哲學(xué)社會科學(xué)版);1988年04期

5 捷子;臺灣“二·二八起義”[J];新文學(xué)史料;2001年01期

6 蔣東明;;“踏著血跡前進(jìn)”——于子三運(yùn)動檔案介紹[J];浙江檔案;2009年02期

7 蔣中禮;“一二一”運(yùn)動中的大學(xué)教授[J];云南社會科學(xué);1986年06期

8 張濤,謝俊春;試論民主黨派在反對美蔣反動派的愛國民主運(yùn)動中的重要作用[J];張掖師專學(xué)報(bào)(綜合版);1992年01期

9 趙可;《大聲》周刊介紹[J];抗日戰(zhàn)爭研究;1997年03期

10 金擇;;臺灣歷史上的二·二八愛國民主運(yùn)動[J];統(tǒng)一論壇;1997年01期

相關(guān)會議論文 前3條

1 周光明;;淺議抗戰(zhàn)時期民盟對愛國民主運(yùn)動的貢獻(xiàn)[A];牢記歷史 振興中華——江蘇省紀(jì)念抗日戰(zhàn)爭暨世界反法西斯戰(zhàn)爭勝利60周年論文集[C];2005年

2 余文光;;帶著大家一道前進(jìn)的向?qū)А獞浥c郭沫若在愛國民主運(yùn)動中難忘的往事[A];郭沫若研究（第十一輯）[C];1996年

3 陸慶良;;周恩來與第二條戰(zhàn)線研究述評[A];周恩來研究述評[C];1996年

相關(guān)重要報(bào)紙文章 前8條

1 楊維駿;偉大的“一二·一”愛國民主運(yùn)動永放光芒[N];云南政協(xié)報(bào);2005年

2 游德馨;解放戰(zhàn)爭時期福州一中的愛國民主運(yùn)動[N];福建日報(bào);2009年

3 本報(bào)記者 孫小荔;西南聯(lián)大：愛國民主運(yùn)動的大本營[N];云南政協(xié)報(bào);2005年

4 ;“一二·一”——偉大的愛國民主運(yùn)動[N];云南政協(xié)報(bào);2005年

5 民建赤峰市委 牛忠良;風(fēng)雨同舟六十載 肝膽相照譜新篇[N];赤峰日報(bào);2008年

6 市政協(xié)副主席 民革延安市委主委 張玉曙;秉承光榮傳統(tǒng) 共創(chuàng)美好未來[N];延安日報(bào);2008年

7 市委黨史研究室 記者 柳丹　整理;方爾灝：中共福州地委第一任書記[N];福州日報(bào);2011年

8 校史研究室;新清華的航船駛?cè)氤錆M陽光的大海[N];新清華;2008年

相關(guān)碩士學(xué)位論文 前1條

1 張穎瀟;國統(tǒng)區(qū)學(xué)生愛國民主運(yùn)動中的人心向背問題研究（1945-1947）[D];廣西大學(xué);2016年

，

本文編號：2439461