百綴旗下的暗潮
發(fā)布時(shí)間：2018-11-07 11:55
【摘要】：護(hù)國戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)是中國近代史上的重要事件。此次戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)不僅結(jié)束了袁世凱的政治生涯,還開啟了中國近代史上的軍閥政治時(shí)代。在護(hù)國戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)期間,護(hù)國軍和袁世凱的北洋軍兵戎相見：戰(zhàn)場(chǎng)之外,雙方還進(jìn)行了針鋒相對(duì)的政治博弈。然而,較之交戰(zhàn)雙方的你來我往,護(hù)國軍內(nèi)部的矛盾沖突更引人關(guān)注。 梁?jiǎn)⒊筒体娛亲o(hù)國戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的重要發(fā)動(dòng)者。他們當(dāng)中,一是進(jìn)步黨黨魁,一為國家主義者,政治立場(chǎng)較為接近。此外,梁、蔡二人還兼有師生關(guān)系。惟其如此,他們的合作順理成章�？墒�,縱觀梁?jiǎn)⒊筒体姷暮献髡?并非清一色的國家主義者或是進(jìn)步黨人士：岑春煊、陸榮廷、李烈鈞、李根源、黃興、龍濟(jì)光等人所屬政團(tuán)、政治立場(chǎng)和政治關(guān)切均不相同。民國初年黨爭(zhēng)十分激烈,各政黨常常為了實(shí)現(xiàn)自身的政治訴求不顧國家利益展開一系列的明爭(zhēng)暗斗。而在護(hù)國戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)中,這些持不同政見的人士能夠站在同一戰(zhàn)線上反對(duì)袁世凱復(fù)辟帝制——無論是出于自愿還是被迫,均值得深思。 護(hù)國戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)前后,來自進(jìn)步黨、國民黨、西南地方實(shí)力派等政團(tuán)的人士在討袁這面大旗下組成了“護(hù)國陣營(yíng)”與袁世凱集團(tuán)進(jìn)行軍事、政治斗爭(zhēng)。在護(hù)國陣營(yíng)的建立過程中,各政治派別對(duì)自己的立場(chǎng)有所調(diào)整,在一些問題上互相妥協(xié),表現(xiàn)出一種“有彈性的堅(jiān)定”。梁?jiǎn)⒊蚺c袁世凱的政治理念的格格不入終于掛印而去,由原來的“挺袁派”一變而為“倒袁派”。國民黨方面,黃興、李根源等人并沒有計(jì)較二次革命時(shí)進(jìn)步黨的落井下石,而是積極與其合作參與護(hù)國戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的準(zhǔn)備工作。地方實(shí)力派中，唐繼堯、陸榮廷、龍濟(jì)光等人也出于現(xiàn)實(shí)因素和維護(hù)自身利益的考慮放棄了原來附從袁世凱政府的立場(chǎng),或主動(dòng)或被動(dòng)地參與到護(hù)國戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)中去。 為統(tǒng)合各方勢(shì)力,兩廣都司令部和肇慶軍務(wù)院孕育而生。這兩個(gè)機(jī)構(gòu)的組織形式、職責(zé)范圍和所起的作用雖不完全相同,但均通過吸納不同的政治勢(shì)力,并試圖在這些政治勢(shì)力問構(gòu)建一種非正式的、相對(duì)平等的協(xié)商機(jī)制來維護(hù)這種脆弱的合作。這種體制下沒有絕對(duì)權(quán)威,從而保證了各方擁有相對(duì)平等的話語權(quán)。而沒有絕對(duì)權(quán)威也就意味著組織內(nèi)部缺少必要的約束,使得護(hù)國陣營(yíng)各派間的合作并不牢固。 袁世凱死后,段祺瑞作為北京政府的實(shí)際領(lǐng)導(dǎo)者對(duì)護(hù)國軍并未采取采取抗拒的態(tài)度,他通過各種非正式的手段與護(hù)國軍方面接洽,以便盡快結(jié)束南北對(duì)抗的狀態(tài)。在外界壓力緩解的情況下,護(hù)國陣營(yíng)內(nèi)部各派本就不盡相同的政治訴求開始顯現(xiàn)。從暗中的勾心斗角到戰(zhàn)場(chǎng)上的兵戎相向,無不體現(xiàn)出不同的政治訴求對(duì)脆弱的政治聯(lián)盟的聯(lián)盟沖擊。在內(nèi)部的沖擊下,護(hù)國陣營(yíng)的體系遭到了破壞,進(jìn)而自動(dòng)分崩離析。從軍務(wù)院存廢問題的爭(zhēng)論,到軍務(wù)院的最后撤銷,正是護(hù)國陣營(yíng)體系崩解的反映。
[Abstract]:The war of defense was an important event in China's modern history. The war not only ended Yuan Shikai's political career, but also opened the era of warlord politics in China's modern history. During the war of defense, the defending army and Yuan Shikai's Beiyang army fought against each other: in addition to the battlefield, the two sides engaged in a tit-for-tat political game. However, the conflict between the armed forces is more noticeable than the conflict between the two warring parties. Liang Qichao and Cai E were important initiators of the war. Among them, one is the leader of the Progressive Party, the other is a nationalist, the political position is relatively close. In addition, Liang and Cai also have a teacher-student relationship. Only then, their cooperation is logical. However, throughout Liang Qichao and Cai E's collaborators, they are not all nationalists or progressives: Cen Chunxuan, Lu Rongting, Li Lijun, Li root, Huang Xing, long Jiguang and others belong to political groups. Political positions and concerns differ. In the early years of the Republic of China, the political parties often engaged in a series of open and secret struggles in order to realize their own political demands and ignore the national interests. In the War of Patriotic Defence, these dissidents were able to stand on the same front against Yuan Shikai's restoration of the monarchy-voluntary or forced-which was worth pondering. Before and after the war, people from the Progressive Party, the Kuomintang, the Southwest local powerful faction and other political groups formed a "camp of defense" to wage military and political struggle against Yuan Shikai under the banner of Yuan. In the course of the establishment of the Protector camp, the political factions adjusted their positions and compromised each other on some issues, showing a "resilient firmness". Liang Qichao finally went away from the original "Yuan School" and changed to "inverted Yuan School" because of the mismatch between Liang Qichao and Yuan Shikai's political ideas. On the Kuomintang side, Huang Xing, Li Yuan and others did not worry about the fall of the Progressive Party at the time of the second Revolution, but actively cooperated with them to prepare for the war of defending the country. Among the local power schools, Tang Jiyao, Lu Rongting, long Jiguang and others gave up the position attached to Yuan Shikai's government or participated actively or passively in the defense of the country out of realistic factors and considerations of safeguarding their own interests. In order to integrate the various forces, the headquarters and Zhaoqing military headquarters were conceived. The organization, scope and role of these two institutions are not exactly the same, but by absorbing different political forces and trying to build an informal one in these political forces, A relatively equal consultation mechanism to preserve this fragile cooperation. There is no absolute authority in this system, thus ensuring that all parties have a relatively equal right to speak. The absence of absolute authority means that there is a lack of necessary constraints within the organization, making cooperation between the factions of the Protector not strong. After Yuan Shikai's death, Duan Qirui, as the actual leader of the Beijing government, did not take a resistance to the defense army. He approached the defense army through various informal means in order to end the North-South confrontation as soon as possible. With external pressure easing, political demands from different factions within the Protector camp are beginning to emerge. From the secret war to the battlefield, all reflect the alliance impact of different political demands on the fragile political alliance. Under the internal shock, the defending camp's system was destroyed and automatically disintegrated. From the debate about the retention and abolition of military affairs to the final withdrawal of military affairs, it is the collapse of the camp system.
【學(xué)位授予單位】：廣西師范大學(xué)
【學(xué)位級(jí)別】：碩士
【學(xué)位授予年份】：2012
【分類號(hào)】：K258
本文編號(hào)：2316287
[Abstract]:The war of defense was an important event in China's modern history. The war not only ended Yuan Shikai's political career, but also opened the era of warlord politics in China's modern history. During the war of defense, the defending army and Yuan Shikai's Beiyang army fought against each other: in addition to the battlefield, the two sides engaged in a tit-for-tat political game. However, the conflict between the armed forces is more noticeable than the conflict between the two warring parties. Liang Qichao and Cai E were important initiators of the war. Among them, one is the leader of the Progressive Party, the other is a nationalist, the political position is relatively close. In addition, Liang and Cai also have a teacher-student relationship. Only then, their cooperation is logical. However, throughout Liang Qichao and Cai E's collaborators, they are not all nationalists or progressives: Cen Chunxuan, Lu Rongting, Li Lijun, Li root, Huang Xing, long Jiguang and others belong to political groups. Political positions and concerns differ. In the early years of the Republic of China, the political parties often engaged in a series of open and secret struggles in order to realize their own political demands and ignore the national interests. In the War of Patriotic Defence, these dissidents were able to stand on the same front against Yuan Shikai's restoration of the monarchy-voluntary or forced-which was worth pondering. Before and after the war, people from the Progressive Party, the Kuomintang, the Southwest local powerful faction and other political groups formed a "camp of defense" to wage military and political struggle against Yuan Shikai under the banner of Yuan. In the course of the establishment of the Protector camp, the political factions adjusted their positions and compromised each other on some issues, showing a "resilient firmness". Liang Qichao finally went away from the original "Yuan School" and changed to "inverted Yuan School" because of the mismatch between Liang Qichao and Yuan Shikai's political ideas. On the Kuomintang side, Huang Xing, Li Yuan and others did not worry about the fall of the Progressive Party at the time of the second Revolution, but actively cooperated with them to prepare for the war of defending the country. Among the local power schools, Tang Jiyao, Lu Rongting, long Jiguang and others gave up the position attached to Yuan Shikai's government or participated actively or passively in the defense of the country out of realistic factors and considerations of safeguarding their own interests. In order to integrate the various forces, the headquarters and Zhaoqing military headquarters were conceived. The organization, scope and role of these two institutions are not exactly the same, but by absorbing different political forces and trying to build an informal one in these political forces, A relatively equal consultation mechanism to preserve this fragile cooperation. There is no absolute authority in this system, thus ensuring that all parties have a relatively equal right to speak. The absence of absolute authority means that there is a lack of necessary constraints within the organization, making cooperation between the factions of the Protector not strong. After Yuan Shikai's death, Duan Qirui, as the actual leader of the Beijing government, did not take a resistance to the defense army. He approached the defense army through various informal means in order to end the North-South confrontation as soon as possible. With external pressure easing, political demands from different factions within the Protector camp are beginning to emerge. From the secret war to the battlefield, all reflect the alliance impact of different political demands on the fragile political alliance. Under the internal shock, the defending camp's system was destroyed and automatically disintegrated. From the debate about the retention and abolition of military affairs to the final withdrawal of military affairs, it is the collapse of the camp system.
【學(xué)位授予單位】：廣西師范大學(xué)
【學(xué)位級(jí)別】：碩士
【學(xué)位授予年份】：2012
【分類號(hào)】：K258
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