本文選題：建國初期 + 麻城��； 參考：《中南財(cái)經(jīng)政法大學(xué)》2017年碩士論文

【摘要】：本文以建國初期麻城地區(qū)的土地改革運(yùn)動(dòng)為個(gè)案,試圖通過書寫一個(gè)縣域的土改進(jìn)程,描繪國家權(quán)力深入鄉(xiāng)村以及基層社會(huì)秩序重構(gòu)的狀況,梳理該地區(qū)經(jīng)濟(jì)結(jié)構(gòu)和社會(huì)組織變遷的脈絡(luò),分析土改對(duì)于傳統(tǒng)鄉(xiāng)村社會(huì)變革的深層次意義。在傳統(tǒng)的麻城鄉(xiāng)村社會(huì),地方政府和家族是兩種最重要的社會(huì)力量,縣政擁有管理各家族和社會(huì)團(tuán)體的權(quán)力,不同姓氏的家族管理著數(shù)量龐大的底層農(nóng)民,為數(shù)不少的寺廟、會(huì)道門組織也控制著一定數(shù)量的農(nóng)民和社會(huì)資源。麻城地區(qū)丘陵多,成片的田地較少,因此,家族和各種社會(huì)組織數(shù)量多,但單個(gè)組織的占田規(guī)模并不大。當(dāng)?shù)爻尸F(xiàn)出總?cè)丝诤芏�、田地很少、民間組織不強(qiáng)大的社會(huì)狀況。人地矛盾和家族矛盾突出,底層農(nóng)民常為生存與地主進(jìn)行斗爭(zhēng)。由于缺少一種跨血緣的思想和組織資源,全縣的貧苦農(nóng)民并不團(tuán)結(jié),土地斗爭(zhēng)的規(guī)模不大。中國共產(chǎn)黨很早就在麻城地區(qū)進(jìn)行土地革命,在改造傳統(tǒng)的經(jīng)濟(jì)模式和社會(huì)結(jié)構(gòu)上進(jìn)行了多次實(shí)踐。新中國成立以后,中共麻城縣委通過土地改革對(duì)鄉(xiāng)村社會(huì)的基層組織和社會(huì)結(jié)構(gòu)進(jìn)行整體性的調(diào)整。清匪反霸運(yùn)動(dòng)打垮了地主和民間組織,革命干部取代了以往的縣長、區(qū)長,成為忠實(shí)執(zhí)行上級(jí)政策的管理者,麻城社會(huì)的中間層被替換。為了改造最底層的農(nóng)民,縣委派出土改工作隊(duì)進(jìn)入每一個(gè)鄉(xiāng)村,通過宣傳階級(jí)斗爭(zhēng)和組織貧雇農(nóng),把大量最貧困的底層農(nóng)民集合到了貧農(nóng)協(xié)會(huì)之內(nèi)。新政權(quán)通過開展貧農(nóng)和地主之間的斗爭(zhēng)瓦解掉原有的家族組織,通過田地分配將鄉(xiāng)村社會(huì)變成一戶一戶的小農(nóng)家庭。經(jīng)過土地改革,麻城全縣60余萬農(nóng)業(yè)人口相對(duì)平均地分配了84萬余畝土地,36萬余貧雇農(nóng)翻身成了主人翁,平均每人分得1畝多的田地。土改之后,麻城原有的家族經(jīng)濟(jì)和家族組織徹底消失,形成了以個(gè)體農(nóng)戶為基礎(chǔ)的小農(nóng)經(jīng)營模式,農(nóng)民的分散性大大加深。土改中的階級(jí)斗爭(zhēng)形成了新的階級(jí)組織,新的鄉(xiāng)政系統(tǒng)也在這個(gè)基礎(chǔ)上建立起來,相比于以往的鄉(xiāng)紳,新的鄉(xiāng)村精英對(duì)政權(quán)的認(rèn)同度更高。在土改斗爭(zhēng)中,宗族倫理難以延續(xù),農(nóng)民開始形成階級(jí)觀念和階級(jí)認(rèn)同,人們以階級(jí)歸屬來處理自身的社會(huì)關(guān)系。在消滅家族和其他民間組織的同時(shí),階級(jí)認(rèn)同將整個(gè)縣城的農(nóng)民整合成為一個(gè)整體,長期困擾麻城地區(qū)的各類社會(huì)沖突也不復(fù)出現(xiàn)。最后,本文試圖思考土改斗爭(zhēng)中麻城的鄉(xiāng)村社會(huì)動(dòng)員機(jī)制及麻城在土改過程中呈現(xiàn)出來的地方特色。土改干部善于從底層農(nóng)民普遍性的苦的體驗(yàn)入手,將農(nóng)民個(gè)體的矛盾歸納為階級(jí)矛盾,迅速獲得貧雇農(nóng)的廣泛認(rèn)同。而麻城的土改斗爭(zhēng)激烈程度相比于北方老解放區(qū)要輕,相比于南方及邊疆則要重一些;作為老蘇區(qū),底層農(nóng)民在土改前的猶疑程度會(huì)比其他地區(qū)重一些;在土改斗爭(zhēng)中,麻城本地的階級(jí)斗爭(zhēng)是深入推進(jìn)的,一些過火行為并沒有得到大規(guī)模的糾偏。
[Abstract]:Taking the land reform movement in Aicheng area in the early years of the people's Republic of China as an example, this paper attempts to describe the state of the state power in the countryside and the reconstruction of social order at the grass-roots level by writing the process of land reform in a county area. Combing the changing context of economic structure and social organization in this area, the paper analyzes the profound significance of land reform to the traditional rural social change. In the traditional rural society of Macheng, the local government and the family are the two most important social forces. The county government has the power to manage the various families and social organizations, and the families with different surnames manage a large number of bottom class peasants and many temples. The Huidaomen organization also controls a certain number of farmers and social resources. There are many hilly areas and less fields in Macheng area, so the number of families and various social organizations is large, but the size of single organization is not large. The local population is large, the field is small, and the civil society is not strong. The contradiction between man and land and family is prominent, and the bottom peasants often struggle with landlords for survival. Due to the lack of a cross-blood ideological and organizational resources, the poor peasants in the county were not United, and the scale of the land struggle was small. The Communist Party of China carried out agrarian revolution in Maicheng early on and carried out many practices in reforming the traditional economic model and social structure. After the founding of New China, the CPC Aicheng County Party Committee made an overall readjustment of the grass-roots organizations and social structure of rural society through land reform. The bandit and anti-hegemonic movement defeated landlords and civil organizations, and revolutionary cadres replaced the former county and district governors, and became the managers of the faithful implementation of higher policies, and the middle class of Macheng society was replaced. In order to reform the peasants at the lowest level, the county party committee sent land reform teams to every village and, through class struggle propaganda and the organization of poor and employed peasants, gathered a large number of the poorest peasants among the poor peasant associations. Through the struggle between the poor peasants and the landlords, the new regime broke down the old family organizations and transformed the rural society into a small peasant family through the distribution of fields. After land reform, more than 600,000 agricultural population in Macheng County have distributed more than 840000 mu of land, and 360000 poor and employed peasants have turned into masters, with an average share of more than 1 mu of land per person. After the land reform, the original family economy and the family organization disappeared completely, formed the small farmer management pattern based on the individual farmer, the farmer's dispersal greatly deepened. The class struggle in the land reform has formed a new class organization and a new rural political system has been established on this basis. Compared with the former gentry, the new rural elite has a higher degree of recognition of political power. In the struggle of land reform, clan ethics is difficult to continue, the peasants began to form class concept and class identity, people deal with their own social relations by class ownership. At the same time of eliminating families and other non-governmental organizations, class identity integrated the peasants of the whole county into a whole, and the various social conflicts that had plagued the Macheng area for a long time did not appear again. Finally, this paper tries to reflect on the rural social mobilization mechanism and the local characteristics in the process of land reform. The cadres of the land reform are good at starting from the common bitter experience of the peasants at the bottom, sum up the individual contradictions of the peasants as class contradictions, and quickly obtain the broad recognition of the poor and the employed peasants. The intensity of the struggle for land reform in Mecheng is lighter than in the old liberated areas in the north, and heavier than in the south and the border areas. As an old Soviet area, the level of hesitancy of the peasants at the bottom will be heavier than in other areas before the land reform; in the struggle for land reform, The local class struggle in Macheng was advanced deeply, and some excesses were not rectified on a large scale.
【學(xué)位授予單位】：中南財(cái)經(jīng)政法大學(xué)
【學(xué)位級(jí)別】：碩士
【學(xué)位授予年份】：2017
【分類號(hào)】：K27

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本文編號(hào)：2024979