明清浙江賦役里甲制度研究
本文選題:明清 切入點(diǎn):里甲 出處:《華東師范大學(xué)》2011年博士論文 論文類型:學(xué)位論文
【摘要】:明代繼承前代鄉(xiāng)都制的基本規(guī)制,在調(diào)查田土和人戶的基礎(chǔ)上,建立了以百十戶編成,輪次應(yīng)役的里甲制度。它是地方政府賦役征收的基礎(chǔ)組織,也是把握鄉(xiāng)村社會(huì)的基本控制體系。隨著明代中期賦役納銀化程度的加深,以實(shí)物派征和人力征調(diào)為主的財(cái)政結(jié)構(gòu)轉(zhuǎn)變?yōu)橐糟y兩為主要形態(tài)的條鞭銀收支體系,里甲制的編排標(biāo)準(zhǔn)由人戶轉(zhuǎn)向田土,十年輪役制度漸趨停止,各項(xiàng)以銀兩計(jì)算的財(cái)政收入合并后攤?cè)肴h田土,黃冊(cè)十年編審不再是其征收的依據(jù)。伴隨著這一過(guò)程的是原有里甲編戶體系對(duì)人戶、田土控制的日漸廢弛,鄉(xiāng)村社會(huì)基于經(jīng)濟(jì)、社會(huì)地位的不平等通過(guò)這一體系轉(zhuǎn)變?yōu)橘x役負(fù)擔(dān)的不平等。為此,自明中期開(kāi)始,浙江各地開(kāi)始了對(duì)原有地方基層控制體系的改造和重建。通過(guò)不定期的土地丈量,原有的編戶之里轉(zhuǎn)變?yōu)榫幪镏畧D。通過(guò)定期的里甲編審,田土在各圖間的流動(dòng)得到記錄。在此基礎(chǔ)上,以額定田畝數(shù)做為糧銀征收組織的基本單位,完成征收和解運(yùn)的任務(wù)。在這兩方面的作用下,各地做為土地登記和編審基礎(chǔ)的“圖”自明后期以來(lái)具有了程度不一的地緣性色彩。但是,從其實(shí)際征收效果來(lái)看,直至清前期,人戶以額定畝數(shù)編成的“甲”為單位自行納稅的構(gòu)想始終未得實(shí)現(xiàn),究其原因,一方面是因?yàn)閷?duì)人戶記載的嚴(yán)重滯后失實(shí)限制了丈量和編審的實(shí)際效果,當(dāng)人戶發(fā)生逋欠,無(wú)法實(shí)現(xiàn)有效的控制。另一方面,額定畝數(shù)的做法常將住居遠(yuǎn)隔,經(jīng)濟(jì)社會(huì)地位懸殊的人戶強(qiáng)制組織在一甲之內(nèi),他們彼此間往往互不相識(shí),并沒(méi)有什么現(xiàn)實(shí)的社會(huì)關(guān)系將之聯(lián)系起來(lái),要讓他們作為一個(gè)整體負(fù)起一圖的征收之責(zé)事實(shí)上亦很難實(shí)現(xiàn)。因此,在康熙末年的編審中,對(duì)如何有效把握人戶,如何將人戶組織在更具地緣性的單位中又有新的嘗試。至雍正年間,以保甲人戶的統(tǒng)計(jì)為手段,以煙戶住居村落為基本把握對(duì)象的順莊法通行于浙江全省,各地多以原有圖的地域?yàn)橄?經(jīng)過(guò)程度不一的調(diào)整,實(shí)現(xiàn)了對(duì)轄境村落的更加細(xì)化的控制結(jié)構(gòu)。在圖、莊這一最基層的控制層級(jí)下,煙戶住居村落的數(shù)量、名稱、田土、人口、稅糧等基本的信息被記載下來(lái),由此奠定了此后地方政府基層控制體系的基本形態(tài)。
[Abstract]:In the Ming Dynasty, the basic regulation of the rural capital system of the previous generation was inherited. Based on the investigation of the land, land and human households, the Lijia system of 100 families was established, which was the basic organization for the collection of taxes by local governments. It is also the basic control system to grasp the rural society. With the deepening of the degree of tax payment and silverization in the middle of the Ming Dynasty, the fiscal structure, which is dominated by the distribution of goods and manpower, has been transformed into a system of revenue and expenditure with silver as the main form. The arrangement standard of the Lijia system was shifted from households to farmland, and the 10-year round of service system gradually stopped. After the merger of the various fiscal revenues calculated by silver, it was spread over the whole county. The 10-year editorial review of the Yellow Book is no longer the basis for its collection. Along with this process, the original Lijia household system has become increasingly obsolete in terms of household, land and land control, and rural society is based on the economy. Through this system, inequality in social status has been transformed into inequality in the burden of taxes. Since the middle of Ming Dynasty, various parts of Zhejiang have begun to reform and rebuild the original local grass-roots control system. The original household plot was transformed into a plot of farmland. Through regular review of the land in Lijia, the flow of the land between the maps was recorded. On this basis, the number of mu of the rated farmland was taken as the basic unit of the organization of grain collection and silver collection. Completion of the task of expropriation and reconciliation. As a result of these two aspects, the "map", which is the basis for land registration and editorial review, has had varying degrees of geographical color since the late Ming Dynasty. However, judging from its actual expropriation effect, Until the beginning of the Qing Dynasty, the concept of "A", which was compiled with a fixed number of mu, was never realized. On the one hand, the reason for this was that the serious lag in household records limited the actual effect of measurement and editing. When households fail to achieve effective control, on the other hand, the practice of quotas often compels households living far away from each other and with very different economic and social status, and they often do not know each other. There is no realistic social relationship to link it up, and it is in fact very difficult for them to take the responsibility of collecting a picture as a whole. Therefore, in the editorial review of the late Kangxi years, there was an understanding of how to effectively grasp the household. From Yongzheng to Yongzheng, the Shunzhuang method, which takes the statistics of Baojia people as the means and the villages of tobacco households as the basic objects of grasp, is widely used in Zhejiang Province. Most of the localities are limited by the original map, and after varying degrees of adjustment, they have achieved a more detailed control structure over the villages under their jurisdiction. Under the most basic level of control, the number, name, land, and population of the villages inhabited by tobacco residents, Basic information, such as tax and grain, was recorded, which established the basic form of local government grass-roots control system.
【學(xué)位授予單位】:華東師范大學(xué)
【學(xué)位級(jí)別】:博士
【學(xué)位授予年份】:2011
【分類號(hào)】:K248
【參考文獻(xiàn)】
相關(guān)期刊論文 前10條
1 崔秀紅,王裕明;明末清初徽州里長(zhǎng)戶簡(jiǎn)論[J];安徽史學(xué);2001年01期
2 陳橋驛;古代紹興地區(qū)天然森林的破壞及其對(duì)農(nóng)業(yè)的影響[J];地理學(xué)報(bào);1965年02期
3 陳橋驛;歷史時(shí)期紹興地區(qū)聚落的形成與發(fā)展[J];地理學(xué)報(bào);1980年01期
4 陳橋驛,呂以春,樂(lè)祖謀;論歷史時(shí)期寧紹平原的湖泊演變[J];地理研究;1984年03期
5 樊樹(shù)志;“攤丁入地”的由來(lái)與發(fā)展[J];復(fù)旦學(xué)報(bào)(社會(huì)科學(xué)版);1984年04期
6 王建革;;宋元時(shí)期吳淞江圩田區(qū)的耕作制與農(nóng)田景觀[J];古今農(nóng)業(yè);2008年04期
7 史志宏;從獲鹿縣審冊(cè)看清代前期的土地集中和攤丁人地改革[J];河北大學(xué)學(xué)報(bào)(哲學(xué)社會(huì)科學(xué)版);1984年01期
8 孫海泉;清代保甲組織結(jié)構(gòu)分析[J];河北學(xué)刊;1992年01期
9 孫海泉;清代賦役制度變革后的地方基層組織[J];河北學(xué)刊;2004年06期
10 夏維中,崔秀紅;明代鄉(xiāng)村地域單位的主要類型及其作用考述[J];江蘇社會(huì)科學(xué);2002年05期
相關(guān)會(huì)議論文 前1條
1 伍丹戈;;明代紳衿地主的發(fā)展[A];明史研究論叢(第二輯)[C];1983年
,本文編號(hào):1585946
本文鏈接:http://sikaile.net/shekelunwen/zggdslw/1585946.html