明清鼎革—朝鮮與日本的反應(yīng)
本文選題:明清鼎革 + 華夷秩序。 參考:《東北師范大學(xué)》2017年碩士論文
【摘要】:1644年滿清入主中原代替明朝成為了中國新王朝的統(tǒng)治者,這一事件被稱為明清鼎革。明清鼎革是中國歷史上的巨大變革,這一事件不僅影響了中國的歷史進(jìn)程,更是宣告了東亞秩序面對中心易主的挑戰(zhàn)!靶U夷”入主不僅顛覆了傳統(tǒng)的華夷觀念,還對深受華夷觀念影響的周邊各國產(chǎn)生了巨大的沖擊。朝鮮和日本作為中國的重要鄰國,對這一事件尤為關(guān)注。李氏朝鮮自建國以來,就一直對明朝奉行事大主義的外交政策,事事尊奉明朝,奉明朝為上國,接受明朝的保護(hù)。在明清鼎革之際,朝鮮雖然迫于后金的軍事壓力,實(shí)行了“兩端外交”的政策,但卻并沒有放棄對明朝的尊奉,而是由于堅(jiān)守以明朝為中心的華夷秩序,還被后金所攻打,不得已才屈服于后金。然而,即使在朝鮮成為清朝的屬國之后,也并沒有忘記明朝的壬辰之恩,在國內(nèi)還醞釀著“反清復(fù)明”、“遵明排清”的北伐計(jì)劃。長期以來日本一直若即若離地游離于東亞秩序的邊緣,1549年更是脫離了以明朝為中心的華夷秩序,此后又發(fā)動了侵略朝鮮的壬辰倭亂,企圖挑戰(zhàn)以明朝為中心的華夷秩序,使中日關(guān)系更加惡化。此后,德川家康建立的江戶幕府雖然有意緩解明日關(guān)系,卻未能如愿。正當(dāng)中國發(fā)生明清鼎革之時(shí),日本雖然處于華夷秩序之外,卻尤為關(guān)注中國的這一政局變化。為此,不僅建立了搜集海外情報(bào)的機(jī)制,還將搜集到的中國情報(bào)編輯為冊,命名為“華夷變態(tài)”。然而,日本的反應(yīng)卻和朝鮮有所不同,在明清鼎革之時(shí),日本雖對明朝的滅亡感到惋惜,但更多地是利用明朝遺臣的赴日乞師以及日本儒學(xué)者的詮釋,致力于構(gòu)建所謂的以日本為中心的“華夷秩序”。本文主要探討同為儒家文化圈的朝鮮和日本,在面對中國的明清鼎革之時(shí)所表現(xiàn)出的不同反應(yīng)為楔入點(diǎn),將朝鮮表現(xiàn)出的“小中華”和日本表現(xiàn)出的“大中華”進(jìn)行對比,展現(xiàn)同一時(shí)期兩個(gè)國家的文化態(tài)度及對外政策。
[Abstract]:In 1644, the Manchu Dynasty became the ruler of the new dynasty instead of the Ming Dynasty, which was called the Ming Dynasty and Qing Dynasty. The Ming and Qing Dynasty Revolution was a great change in the history of China. This event not only affected the historical process of China, but also declared that the order of East Asia faced the challenge of the change of center and owner. The entry of barbarians not only subverted the traditional idea of Chinese Yi, but also had a great impact on the neighboring countries deeply influenced by the idea of Chinese Yi. North Korea and Japan, as important neighbors of China, are particularly concerned about the incident. Since the founding of the people's Republic of Korea, Lee has been pursuing a foreign policy of serving the Ming Dynasty, worshiping the Ming Dynasty and accepting the protection of the Ming Dynasty. During the Ming and Qing dynasties, although North Korea, under the military pressure of the later Jin Dynasty, carried out a policy of "diplomacy between the two ends," it did not give up its respect for the Ming Dynasty. Instead, it held fast to the order of Hua Yi, which centered on the Ming Dynasty, and was attacked by the later Jin Dynasty. He had to give in to the gold. However, even after Korea became a state of the Qing Dynasty, it did not forget the grace of the Ming Dynasty, and there were plans to "reverse the Qing Dynasty and restore the Ming Dynasty" and "obey the Ming Dynasty and expel the Qing Dynasty" in the country. For a long time, Japan had been drifting away from the edge of the East Asian order, and in 1549, it was divorced from the order of China and Yi, which centered on the Ming Dynasty, and then launched the Japanese invasion of Korea, in an attempt to challenge the order of China and Yi, which centered on the Ming Dynasty. This has made Sino-Japanese relations worse. Since then, Tokugawa's establishment of the Edo Shogunate, although intended to ease tomorrow's relationship, but failed to do so. While China was in the Ming and Qing dynasties, Japan, although outside the order of China, paid special attention to this political change in China. Therefore, we not only set up a mechanism to collect overseas intelligence, but also compiled the collected Chinese intelligence into a book named "Hua Yi metamorphosis". However, the reaction of Japan was different from that of North Korea. During the Ming and Qing dynasties, Japan regretted the demise of the Ming Dynasty, but it made more use of the explanations of Japanese beggars and Japanese Confucianists who had been left behind in the Ming Dynasty. Committed to the construction of the so-called Japanese-centric "China Yi order." This paper mainly discusses the different reactions of Korea and Japan, which are the same Confucian cultural circle, in the face of the Ming and Qing dynasties in China, and compares the "Little China" of Korea with the "Greater China" of Japan. Show the cultural attitude and foreign policy of the two countries during the same period.
【學(xué)位授予單位】:東北師范大學(xué)
【學(xué)位級別】:碩士
【學(xué)位授予年份】:2017
【分類號】:K31
【參考文獻(xiàn)】
相關(guān)期刊論文 前8條
1 周頌倫;;華夷變態(tài)三形態(tài)[J];東北師大學(xué)報(bào)(哲學(xué)社會科學(xué)版);2014年04期
2 陳尚勝;;論日本江戶幕府對清朝統(tǒng)一臺灣問題的關(guān)注——以《華夷變態(tài)》為中心[J];福建論壇(人文社會科學(xué)版);2014年02期
3 王臻;;古代中朝關(guān)系史中“事大”與“字小”問題的認(rèn)識論[J];學(xué)術(shù)界;2013年03期
4 夫馬進(jìn);;明清時(shí)期中國對朝鮮外交中的“禮”和“問罪”[J];明史研究論叢;2012年00期
5 劉曉東;;南明士人“日本乞師”敘事中的“倭寇”記憶[J];歷史研究;2010年05期
6 刁書仁;;從“北伐論”到“北學(xué)論”——試論李氏朝鮮對清朝態(tài)度的轉(zhuǎn)變[J];中國邊疆史地研究;2006年04期
7 孫衛(wèi)國;;試論入關(guān)前清與朝鮮關(guān)系的演變歷程[J];中國邊疆史地研究;2006年02期
8 孫衛(wèi)國;論事大主義與朝鮮王朝對明關(guān)系[J];南開學(xué)報(bào);2002年04期
相關(guān)博士學(xué)位論文 前4條
1 張丹丹;《大義覺迷錄》的理論與實(shí)踐[D];東北師范大學(xué);2015年
2 仲光亮;日本江戶幕府搜集中國情報(bào)研究[D];山東大學(xué);2015年
3 范業(yè)紅;關(guān)于日本江戶時(shí)期思想家“華夷之辨”思想演變的研究[D];東北師范大學(xué);2015年
4 孫文;《華夷變態(tài)》研究[D];浙江大學(xué);2009年
,本文編號:1902316
本文鏈接:http://sikaile.net/shekelunwen/xifanglishiwenhua/1902316.html