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巴基斯坦對(duì)華外交政策中的國(guó)內(nèi)因素—新古典現(xiàn)實(shí)主義視角

發(fā)布時(shí)間:2022-10-31 19:54
  這篇博士論文試圖調(diào)查國(guó)內(nèi)因素在巴基斯坦對(duì)華外交政策中的角色和作用。它旨在為政府形式或執(zhí)政黨意識(shí)形態(tài)方面的變化為何未影響巴基斯坦對(duì)華政策尋找答案。本研究采用新古典現(xiàn)實(shí)主義角度,通過(guò)研究國(guó)內(nèi)變量如何介入獨(dú)立變量和因變量來(lái)尋找研究難題的答案。使用Schweller(2004)和Taliaferro(2006)提出的新古典現(xiàn)實(shí)主義理論模型,本研究假設(shè)印度威脅為自變量,國(guó)家主義意識(shí)形態(tài),國(guó)家支持國(guó)家主義,精英共識(shí)為中介變量,巴基斯坦對(duì)華外交政策行為為因變量。該研究的內(nèi)容和理論方法新穎,并將通過(guò)對(duì)巴中關(guān)系的案例研究,為外交政策內(nèi)部決定因素的知識(shí)體系做出貢獻(xiàn)。理論上,這項(xiàng)研究將通過(guò)提供具體的案例視角來(lái)增加新古典現(xiàn)實(shí)主義文獻(xiàn)。本研究采用定性方法,以案例研究方法使用過(guò)程追蹤研究問(wèn)題。在理論知識(shí)數(shù)據(jù)和歷史數(shù)據(jù)的幫助下,本文追蹤了 1972年到2017年的國(guó)內(nèi)決定因素對(duì)巴基斯坦對(duì)華外交政策行為的影響數(shù)據(jù)。數(shù)據(jù)收集的采用了一手和二手?jǐn)?shù)據(jù)。一手?jǐn)?shù)據(jù)是通過(guò)電子郵件與十位學(xué)術(shù)界精英:學(xué)者、教授和巴基斯坦外交政策專(zhuān)家進(jìn)行深入半結(jié)構(gòu)化訪談收集而得到。來(lái)自可用的政府記錄,官方數(shù)據(jù),統(tǒng)計(jì)報(bào)告以及政治精英人士回憶錄的數(shù)據(jù)也被... 

【文章頁(yè)數(shù)】:255 頁(yè)

【學(xué)位級(jí)別】:博士

【文章目錄】:
Dedication
Acknowledgements
Abstract
中文摘要
List of Abbreviations
Chapter 1: Introduction
    1.1. Research Problem
    1.2. Importance of Study
    1.3. Rationale for Case-Selection: 1972-2017
    1.4. Objectives of Study
    1.5. Research Questions (RQ)
    1.6. Pakistan's Profile
        1.6.1. Predictions about Pakistan's future
    1.7. Dissertation Structure
Chapter 2: Review of Literature
    2.1. Pakistan's Foreign Policy in General
    2.2. Bilateralism in Pakistan's Foreign Policy
        2.2.1. Pakistan-US relations
        2.2.2. Indo-Pak ties
        2.2.3. Ties between Pakistan and Muslim states
    2.3. Multilateralism in Pakistan's Foreign Policy
        2.3.1. Trilateral Aspect
        2.3.2. Quadrilateral aspect: Pakistan-China-India-US
    2.4. Pakistan-China Ties
        2.4.1. Pakistan and China: All-weather friendship (AWF)
        2.4.2. Pakistan and China: Fair-weather friendship (FWF)
    2.5. Domestic Factors in Pakistan's Foreign Policy
Chapter 3: Methodology
    3.1. Research Design
    3.2. Data Collection and Analysis
        3.2.1. Sources
        3.2.2. Email Interviews
        3.2.3. Sampling
        3.2.4. Ethical Considerations
        3.2.5. Data Analysis
    3.3. Formatting Style
    3.4. Variables
        3.4.1. The independent variable: Indian threat
        3.4.2. Intervening variables
            3.4.2.1. Justification for the selection of intervening variables
            3.4.2.2. Statist ideology
            3.4.2.3. State-sponsored nationalism
            3.4.2.4. Elite consensus
        3.4.3. Dependent variable:Pakistan's foreign policy towards China
Chapter 4: Theoretical Framework
    4.1. Levels of Analysis
    4.2. Agency and Structure
    4.3. Theories of IR
    4.4. Theories of Foreign Policy
    4.5. Main Assumptions of Neoclassical Realism
        4.5.1. Neoclassical realism and classical realism
        4.5.2. Neoclassical realism and neorealism
        4.5.3. Neoclassical realist theory: A review of literature
        4.5.4. Justification for the selection of neoclassical realist theory
        4.5.5. Case justification
    4.6. Theoretical Models
        4.6.1. Schweller's model of balancing strategy
        4.6.2. Taliaferro's resource-extraction model
    4.7. Proposed Model
Chapter 5: Pakistan-China Ties: A Retrospective View 1951-2017
    5.1. Early Ties:1950-1961
        5.1.1. Breaking the ice:1952-1961
    5.2. Cementing of the Ties: 1962-1970
        5.2.1. The turning point: 1962
        5.2.2. The milestone: 1963 Pakistan-China Border Treaty
        5.2.3. Confidence-building: Aviation accord 1963
        5.2.4. Indo-Pakistan War: 1965
        5.2.5. Underlying factors for Pak-China ties
        5.2.6. Ties between the two Indo-Pak wars: 1966-1970
    5.3. Ties between 1971-1990
        5.3.1. Sino-American rapprochement: Early 1971
        5.3.2. Cracks in relationship: Indo-Pak War 1971
        5.3.3. The Rejuvenation: 1972 onwards
        5.3.4. Ties during Soviet intervention in Afghanistan:1979-1988
    5.4. Sino-Pakistan Ties: 1990s
        5.4.1. Kargil War
    5.5. China and Pakistan Ties in 21~(st) Century
        5.5.1. 9/11 and Indo-Pakistan military standoff: 2001-2002
        5.5.2. Ties between 2003-2009
        5.5.3. Ties between 2010-2017
        5.5.4. CPEC:2013-2017
    5.6. Chapter Summary
Chapter 6: Statist Ideology, State-Sponsored Nationalism and Pakistan-China Ties
    6.1. Theoretical Insight
    6.2. Justification for Using Two variables in Parallel
    6.3. Need for Statist Ideology and State-Sponsored Nationalism
        6.3.1. Internal problems
            6.3.1.1. Ethnic divisions
            6.3.1.2. Sectarian divide
            6.3.1.3. The language issue
        6.3.2. External threat: India
    6.4. Statist Ideology
    6.5. State-Sponsored Nationalism
        6.5.1. Means to achieving Islamic ideology and Pakistani nationalism
    6.6. Why China?
    6.7. Role of Statist Ideology and State-sponsored nationalism: A case of Pakistan-China tiessince 1972
        6.7.1. Z.A. Bhutto's Tenure
        6.7.2. General Zia's period
        6.7.3. Post-Zia period
        6.7.4. Musharaf period
        6.7.5. Post-Musharaf period
    6.8. Chapter Summary
Chapter 7: Elite Consensus and Pakistan-China Ties
    7.1. Theoretical Perspective
    7.2. The Independent Variable: Indian Threat
    7.3. The dependent variable: Balancing
    7.4. Balancing Options
        7.4.1. The US option as a Balancer
        7.4.2. The Muslim states-as balancing option
        7.4.3. SU/Russia as balancing choice
    7.5. The Intervening Variable: Elite Consensus
        7.5.1. Consensus
        7.5.2. Elite
        7.5.3. Literature and typology on elites in Pakistan
        7.5.4. Military elite
        7.5.5. Civil elites
            7.5.5.1. Bureaucratic elite
            7.5.5.2. Landowning elite
            7.5.5.3. Religious elite
            7.5.5.4. Business-industrial elite
            7.5.5.5. Professional elite
        7.5.6. Elite consensus in Pakistan on Ties with China
            7.5.6.1. Civil-military consensus on China during Bhutto period
            7.5.6.2. Civil-military consensus on China during Zia period
            7.5.6.3. Civil-military consensus on China in post-Zia period
            7.5.6.4. Civil-military consensus on China during Musharaf period
            7.5.6.5. Civil-military consensus on China in post-Musharaf period
        7.5.7. Effects of elite consensus
    7.6. Chapter Summary
Chapter 8: Discussion
    8.1. Theoretical Approach
    8.2. Variables
    8.3. Findings
        8.3.1. Role of ideology and nationalism in shaping Pakistan's ties with China
            8.3.1.1. Balancing options
            8.3.1.2. Why China as a balancer?
            8.3.1.3. Internal balancing
            8.3.1.4. Social fragmentation:Need for internal balancing
            8.3.1.5. State-sponsored ideology, nationalism and internal balancing
            8.3.1.6. Role of China in internal balancing
                8.3.1.6.1. Emulation
                8.3.1.6.2. Resource extraction
            8.3.1.7. External balancing
                8.3.1.7.1. External threat perception and India factor
        8.3.2. Role of elite consensus in influencing Pakistan's ties with China
            8.3.2.1. Effects of elite consensus
        8.3.3. The proposed model
    8.4. Concluding remarks
Appendix-A: Consent Email
Appendix-B: Questionnaire
References
Endnotes
學(xué)位論文評(píng)閱及答辯情況表


【參考文獻(xiàn)】:
期刊論文
[1]淺析第二次印巴戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)前的中巴關(guān)系[J]. 郭松.  洛陽(yáng)師范學(xué)院學(xué)報(bào). 2009(01)



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