盧旺達(dá)議會(huì)中婦女代表性問題研究（1994-2016）
發(fā)布時(shí)間：2018-09-04 11:29
【摘要】：2013年,盧旺達(dá)議會(huì)中婦女占比高達(dá)64%,成為世界范圍內(nèi)議會(huì)中婦女代表性最高的國(guó)家。1994年,盧旺達(dá)國(guó)內(nèi)發(fā)生史無前例的種族大屠殺,婦女主動(dòng)承擔(dān)起了國(guó)家重建、民族和解的重任,完成了從"戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)受害者"到"和平推動(dòng)者"的身份轉(zhuǎn)變。1994年至2003年的國(guó)家政治民主化轉(zhuǎn)型階段,婦女運(yùn)動(dòng)高潮迭起,成為內(nèi)戰(zhàn)后和平進(jìn)程中的一支中堅(jiān)力量,這也為婦女參與政治提供了更多的機(jī)會(huì)與平臺(tái)。2003年,盧旺達(dá)愛國(guó)陣線成立新政府,頒布新憲法,實(shí)施性別配額制,規(guī)定議會(huì)中必須為婦女保留30%的席位。在此次選舉中,下議院婦女占比達(dá)到48%。與此同時(shí),也有不少質(zhì)疑該現(xiàn)象的聲音:婦女在議會(huì)中的高代表性是否能帶來更多有利于婦女權(quán)益的法案與政策?這也是"臨界規(guī)模"理論(critical mass theory)討論的核心問題之一。該理論認(rèn)為,婦女一旦到達(dá)立法機(jī)構(gòu)的臨界點(diǎn)(critical point),利于婦女利益相關(guān)法案的通過與實(shí)施就更為容易。在政治理論和實(shí)證研究的基礎(chǔ)之上,大部分學(xué)者對(duì)于議會(huì)中婦女的代表性數(shù)量之高,是否會(huì)影響婦女議員的實(shí)質(zhì)性代表,即婦女議員是否會(huì)代表婦女,例如推出更多有利于婦女權(quán)益的法案、改善婦女的生活現(xiàn)狀、改變議會(huì)中的法案議程等,并沒有統(tǒng)一的結(jié)論。圍繞這一問題,本文從臨界規(guī)模理論出發(fā),選擇盧旺達(dá)為案例,研究該國(guó)婦女在議會(huì)中的代表性問題。第一章明確地定義了代表性與婦女代表性的概念,提出本文的分析框架為臨界規(guī)模理論。第二章首先爬梳了盧旺達(dá)議會(huì)中婦女在1994年大屠殺之前,1994年至2003年國(guó)家政治轉(zhuǎn)型階段和2003年頒發(fā)新憲法之后這三個(gè)階段的發(fā)展軌跡;然后總結(jié)分析了盧旺達(dá)議會(huì)中婦女高代表性的特點(diǎn):社會(huì)轉(zhuǎn)型的催化,婦女運(yùn)動(dòng)的推動(dòng),性別配額制的保證和盧旺達(dá)愛國(guó)陣線黨的支持。第三章在臨界規(guī)模理論的分析框架下,繼續(xù)探究了婦女在議會(huì)中的實(shí)質(zhì)性代表,即在過程和結(jié)果兩個(gè)方面取得的有利于婦女權(quán)益的各項(xiàng)成果。第四章主要討論了本文的發(fā)現(xiàn),即盧旺達(dá)議會(huì)中婦女的高代表性確實(shí)推動(dòng)了婦女利益相關(guān)法案的推出與實(shí)施,改善了婦女的整體發(fā)展水平。這印證了臨界規(guī)模理論的核心倡議,即代表性的數(shù)量對(duì)改變婦女的社會(huì)地位是有作用的。但其實(shí)質(zhì)性代表同時(shí)也面臨"授權(quán)效應(yīng)"、"標(biāo)簽效應(yīng)"、社會(huì)經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展程度落后的局限性,以及該國(guó)行政機(jī)構(gòu)權(quán)力過大的挑戰(zhàn)。
[Abstract]:In 2013, the representation of women in the Rwandan Parliament was as high as 64, making it the world's highest representation of women in Parliament. In 1994, in Rwanda, there was an unprecedented genocide in Rwanda, and women took the initiative to rebuild the country. The important task of national reconciliation has completed the transformation of identity from "victims of war" to "agents of peace". In the transitional phase of the political democratization of the country from 1994 to 2003, the women's movement flourished and became a major force in the post-civil war peace process. This has also provided more opportunities and platforms for women to participate in politics. In 2003, RPF established a new government, promulgated a new constitution, introduced a gender quota and made it necessary to reserve 30 per cent of seats for women in Parliament. In this election, the share of women in the House of Commons reached 48. At the same time, there have been many voices questioning the phenomenon: will women's high representation in Parliament lead to more bills and policies in favour of women's rights and interests? This is also one of the core issues discussed in the "critical scale" theory of (critical mass theory). The theory holds that once women reach the critical point of legislature, (critical point), is easier to pass and implement. On the basis of political theory and empirical research, does the high representation of women in Parliament by most scholars affect the substantive representation of women parliamentarians, that is, whether women parliamentarians represent women? For example, the introduction of more bills in favour of women's rights, the improvement of women's living conditions, the change of the bill agenda in Parliament, and so on, there is no uniform conclusion. Based on the theory of critical size, this paper chooses Rwanda as a case to study the representation of women in parliament. In the first chapter, the concepts of representation and representation of women are clearly defined, and the analytical framework of this paper is the critical scale theory. The second chapter firstly combs the development path of the women in the Rwandan Parliament during the three stages of the political transition period from 1994 to 2003 and after the promulgation of the new constitution in 2003 before the 1994 massacre; Then it summarizes and analyzes the characteristics of the high representation of women in the Rwandan Parliament: the catalysis of social transformation, the promotion of the women's movement, the guarantee of the gender quota system and the support of the Rwandese Patriotic Front Party. The third chapter, under the analytical frame of critical scale theory, continues to explore the substantive representation of women in Parliament, that is, the achievements in favour of women's rights and interests in both the process and the results. The fourth chapter mainly discusses the findings of this paper that the high representation of women in the Rwandan Parliament has really promoted the introduction and implementation of the Women's interest related Act and improved the overall development level of women. This confirms the core initiative of the critical size theory that representative numbers play a role in changing women's social status. However, its substantive representatives also face the challenges of "authorization effect", "label effect", the limitation of backward social and economic development, and the excessive power of administrative organs in the country.
【學(xué)位授予單位】：北京外國(guó)語大學(xué)
【學(xué)位級(jí)別】：碩士
【學(xué)位授予年份】：2017
【分類號(hào)】：D742.7
本文編號(hào)：2221961
[Abstract]:In 2013, the representation of women in the Rwandan Parliament was as high as 64, making it the world's highest representation of women in Parliament. In 1994, in Rwanda, there was an unprecedented genocide in Rwanda, and women took the initiative to rebuild the country. The important task of national reconciliation has completed the transformation of identity from "victims of war" to "agents of peace". In the transitional phase of the political democratization of the country from 1994 to 2003, the women's movement flourished and became a major force in the post-civil war peace process. This has also provided more opportunities and platforms for women to participate in politics. In 2003, RPF established a new government, promulgated a new constitution, introduced a gender quota and made it necessary to reserve 30 per cent of seats for women in Parliament. In this election, the share of women in the House of Commons reached 48. At the same time, there have been many voices questioning the phenomenon: will women's high representation in Parliament lead to more bills and policies in favour of women's rights and interests? This is also one of the core issues discussed in the "critical scale" theory of (critical mass theory). The theory holds that once women reach the critical point of legislature, (critical point), is easier to pass and implement. On the basis of political theory and empirical research, does the high representation of women in Parliament by most scholars affect the substantive representation of women parliamentarians, that is, whether women parliamentarians represent women? For example, the introduction of more bills in favour of women's rights, the improvement of women's living conditions, the change of the bill agenda in Parliament, and so on, there is no uniform conclusion. Based on the theory of critical size, this paper chooses Rwanda as a case to study the representation of women in parliament. In the first chapter, the concepts of representation and representation of women are clearly defined, and the analytical framework of this paper is the critical scale theory. The second chapter firstly combs the development path of the women in the Rwandan Parliament during the three stages of the political transition period from 1994 to 2003 and after the promulgation of the new constitution in 2003 before the 1994 massacre; Then it summarizes and analyzes the characteristics of the high representation of women in the Rwandan Parliament: the catalysis of social transformation, the promotion of the women's movement, the guarantee of the gender quota system and the support of the Rwandese Patriotic Front Party. The third chapter, under the analytical frame of critical scale theory, continues to explore the substantive representation of women in Parliament, that is, the achievements in favour of women's rights and interests in both the process and the results. The fourth chapter mainly discusses the findings of this paper that the high representation of women in the Rwandan Parliament has really promoted the introduction and implementation of the Women's interest related Act and improved the overall development level of women. This confirms the core initiative of the critical size theory that representative numbers play a role in changing women's social status. However, its substantive representatives also face the challenges of "authorization effect", "label effect", the limitation of backward social and economic development, and the excessive power of administrative organs in the country.
【學(xué)位授予單位】：北京外國(guó)語大學(xué)
【學(xué)位級(jí)別】：碩士
【學(xué)位授予年份】：2017
【分類號(hào)】：D742.7
【參考文獻(xiàn)】
相關(guān)期刊論文 前3條
1 李英桃;金岳]`;;婦女、和平與安全議程——聯(lián)合國(guó)安理會(huì)第1325號(hào)決議的發(fā)展與執(zhí)行[J];世界經(jīng)濟(jì)與政治;2016年02期
2 李英桃;女性主義國(guó)際關(guān)系學(xué)及其發(fā)展前景[J];世界經(jīng)濟(jì)與政治;2005年07期
3 李英桃;從“社會(huì)性別”視角審視現(xiàn)實(shí)主義國(guó)際政治理論中的“權(quán)力”概念[J];世界經(jīng)濟(jì)與政治;2001年07期
，本文編號(hào)：2221961
本文鏈接：http://sikaile.net/shekelunwen/guojiguanxi/2221961.html
最近更新
教材專著
