本文選題：新加坡 + 選舉��； 參考：《上海師范大學(xué)》2017年碩士論文

【摘要】：新加坡人民行動(dòng)黨自1959年第一次議會(huì)選舉獲勝后一直保持著一黨獨(dú)大的地位,新加坡也一直被認(rèn)為是“形式上”的民主國家。人民行動(dòng)黨之所以能長(zhǎng)期掌控國會(huì),除了人民行動(dòng)黨自身具備較高的執(zhí)政能力,獲得選民的認(rèn)可,還因?yàn)槿嗣裥袆?dòng)黨實(shí)行一系列不公平的制度來約束反對(duì)黨。人民行動(dòng)黨雖然表面上允許反對(duì)黨自由參與國會(huì)選舉,但在選舉制度設(shè)計(jì)上卻限制反對(duì)黨的發(fā)展,特別是集選區(qū)制度的推行極大地限制了反對(duì)黨與人民行動(dòng)黨進(jìn)行公平競(jìng)爭(zhēng),對(duì)反對(duì)黨是一種“合法性”歧視。主要表現(xiàn)在:首先,執(zhí)政的人民行動(dòng)黨牢牢控制選舉委員會(huì)、高等法院、傳媒與國家財(cái)政撥款機(jī)構(gòu),通過這些機(jī)構(gòu)來影響選民投票的方向;其次,集選區(qū)制度的推行加重了反對(duì)黨的競(jìng)選壓力,是限制反對(duì)黨挑戰(zhàn)行動(dòng)黨的一項(xiàng)最不公平的制度,使反對(duì)黨始終無法整合足夠的力量來去抗衡強(qiáng)大的人民行動(dòng)黨;最后,執(zhí)政黨人民行動(dòng)黨通過控制選舉委員會(huì)將選區(qū)按照有利于執(zhí)政黨的原則來重新劃分或合并,以此來分散反對(duì)黨的選票資源。這就使新加坡的反對(duì)黨在大選中一直處于被動(dòng)的地步。同時(shí),人民行動(dòng)黨通過提高統(tǒng)治績(jī)效、設(shè)置非選區(qū)議員和官委議員來疏導(dǎo)民眾對(duì)行動(dòng)黨長(zhǎng)期執(zhí)政的不滿,以應(yīng)對(duì)年輕一代日益高漲的民主訴求,也是進(jìn)一步分化反對(duì)勢(shì)力的重要手段。新加坡獨(dú)具特色的選舉制度讓新加坡人民行動(dòng)黨長(zhǎng)期壟斷新加坡政權(quán),反對(duì)黨長(zhǎng)期存在卻一直是人民行動(dòng)黨的陪練,無緣執(zhí)政。在新加坡開國元首李光耀去世后的2015年大選中,人民行動(dòng)黨再一次毫無懸念地贏得了大選。但從2011年大選中,反對(duì)黨工人黨在集選區(qū)的重大突破可以看出集選區(qū)制度只能暫時(shí)限制反對(duì)黨的競(jìng)選,這種情況并不會(huì)長(zhǎng)久持續(xù)下去。雖然反對(duì)黨目前尚不能挑戰(zhàn)人民行動(dòng)黨的執(zhí)政地位,但反對(duì)黨在歷屆大選中也都表現(xiàn)不俗,在新加坡政壇上政發(fā)揮著越來越重要的作用。人民行動(dòng)黨再也不能忽視反對(duì)黨的聲音,因?yàn)樵诜磳?duì)黨背后是渴望民主政治的洶洶民意。隨著反對(duì)黨加緊團(tuán)結(jié),民眾民主訴求的提升,新加坡長(zhǎng)期一黨獨(dú)大的局面終將會(huì)被打破。
[Abstract]:Singapore's people's Action Party (PAP) has maintained a one-party dominance since winning its first parliamentary election in 1959, and Singapore has long been considered a "formal" democracy. The people's Action Party (PAP) has been in charge of parliament for a long time, not only because the PAP has higher governing ability and gained the approval of the voters, but also because the PAP implements a series of unfair systems to restrain the opposition. Although the people's Action Party ostensibly allowed the opposition parties to participate freely in the parliamentary elections, the electoral system was designed to limit the development of the opposition parties, in particular, the introduction of the constituency system greatly limited the fair competition between the opposition parties and the people's Action Party. Discrimination against the opposition is "legitimate". The main manifestations are: first, the ruling people's Action Party (PAP) firmly controls the Election Commission, the High Court, the media and the State Financial Appropriations Agency, through which they influence the direction of the voters' vote; and second, The introduction of the GGC system has increased the pressure on the opposition to campaign and is one of the most unfair systems to limit the opposition's challenge to the Action Party, which has consistently prevented the opposition from integrating enough forces to counter the powerful people's Action Party; and finally, By controlling the election commission, the ruling people's Action Party redivides or merges its constituencies according to the ruling party's principles in favor of the ruling party, thereby diverting the opposition's vote resources. This has kept Singapore's opposition in a passive position in the general election. At the same time, the people's Action Party (PAP) has responded to the rising democratic demands of the younger generation by improving its ruling performance and setting up non-district MPs and officials to defuse the people's dissatisfaction with the party's long-term governance. It is also an important means to further divide the opposition forces. Singapore's unique electoral system has allowed the Singapore people's Action Party to monopolize the Singapore regime for a long time, but the opposition party has long been the sparring of the people's Action Party and has not been in power. In 2015, after the death of Li Guangyao, Singapore's founding head, the people's Action Party once again won the election without suspense. But a major breakthrough by the opposition Workers' Party in the 2011 election suggests that the system can only temporarily limit the opposition's campaign, which will not last for long. Although the opposition party is not yet able to challenge the ruling position of the people's Action Party, the opposition party has also played an increasingly important role in Singapore's politics. The people's Action Party can no longer ignore the opposition's voice, which is backed by a strong desire for democracy. As opposition parties become more United and democratic demands rise, Singapore's long-term one-party dominance will eventually be broken.
【學(xué)位授予單位】：上海師范大學(xué)
【學(xué)位級(jí)別】：碩士
【學(xué)位授予年份】：2017
【分類號(hào)】：D733.9

【參考文獻(xiàn)】

相關(guān)期刊論文 前10條

1 孫景峰;劉佳寶;;2015年新加坡大選與人民行動(dòng)黨理念嬗變[J];廈門大學(xué)學(xué)報(bào)(哲學(xué)社會(huì)科學(xué)版);2016年01期

2 王勤;;論新加坡現(xiàn)代化發(fā)展五十年[J];廈門大學(xué)學(xué)報(bào)(哲學(xué)社會(huì)科學(xué)版);2015年04期

3 李路曲;;新加坡與中國政治發(fā)展路徑的比較分析[J];政治學(xué)研究;2015年03期

4 靳志強(qiáng);;新加坡人民行動(dòng)黨聯(lián)系民眾的經(jīng)驗(yàn)和啟示[J];中共山西省委黨校學(xué)報(bào);2014年03期

5 范磊;;新加坡政治新生態(tài)與選舉政治——基于2013年榜鵝東選區(qū)補(bǔ)選分析[J];當(dāng)代世界社會(huì)主義問題;2013年02期

6 儲(chǔ)建國;;精英自律、政治轉(zhuǎn)型與民主質(zhì)量——將“德性”帶到比較政治研究的中心[J];探索與爭(zhēng)鳴;2012年12期

7 李路曲;;新加坡2011年大選與政治發(fā)展模式[J];當(dāng)代世界社會(huì)主義問題;2011年04期

8 李濟(jì)時(shí);;淺析新加坡人民行動(dòng)黨與國會(huì)的關(guān)系[J];東南亞縱橫;2008年07期

9 李文;新加坡人民行動(dòng)黨的執(zhí)政模式及其借鑒意義[J];當(dāng)代亞太;2005年05期

10 蕭功秦;新加坡的“選舉權(quán)威主義”及其啟示——兼論中國民主發(fā)展的基本路徑[J];戰(zhàn)略與管理;2003年01期

相關(guān)重要報(bào)紙文章 前1條

1 李路曲;;集選區(qū)制度:新加坡政治發(fā)展的制度創(chuàng)設(shè)[N];中國社會(huì)科學(xué)報(bào);2012年

相關(guān)碩士學(xué)位論文 前1條

1 李榮榮;2011年新加坡大選研究[D];暨南大學(xué);2012年

，

本文編號(hào)：1797418