發(fā)布時間：2019-03-19 07:04

【摘要】：黎元洪與程德全都是辛亥革命中的風(fēng)云人物,他們都是中華民國的創(chuàng)建者之一。在武昌起義爆發(fā)之前,黎元洪是湖北新軍的高級將領(lǐng),程德全是實任的江蘇巡撫,此時的他們都是忠于清廷的高官。那么,他們二人是如何由清廷要員轉(zhuǎn)變?yōu)槊駠獎椎哪?關(guān)于這個問題,筆者從他們二人早期的經(jīng)歷與思想傾向中找到了答案。即出生平民家庭的他們,隨著民族危機(jī)的加深以及西學(xué)東漸的影響,他們在革命爆發(fā)之前就已經(jīng)萌發(fā)了“君主立憲”的政治傾向,并與當(dāng)?shù)氐牧椗深I(lǐng)袖建立了良好關(guān)系。因此,革命爆發(fā)之后,他們在試圖挽救清王朝而無果之后,便放棄了“君主立憲”的立場,迅速轉(zhuǎn)向“共和立憲”,支持革命,為中華民國的建立做出了突出貢獻(xiàn)。本文從在辛亥革命中的作用、處理會黨對策、在二次革命期間的態(tài)度轉(zhuǎn)變?nèi)齻�方面,對辛亥時期的黎元洪與程德全進(jìn)行考察分析,進(jìn)而比較二人的異與同。辛亥革命中的黎、程二人作為武昌與蘇州的最高領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人,分別在不同程度上代表了辛亥革命的兩種模式,即武昌暴力革命模式與蘇州和平光復(fù)模式,這兩種模式相輔相成,共同促成了辛亥革命在全國范圍內(nèi)的勝利,對中華民國的建立起到了重要的推動作用。而在處理會黨對策方面,何以程能夠在“洗程會”事件后得到了蘇州人民的信任,而黎則在“張、方”事件后聲望驟減呢?筆者從他們的出身、謀士、實力三個方面進(jìn)行了考察分析。在二次革命中,黎、程二人為維護(hù)得來不易的民主共和制度,皆主張通過法律手段解決宋案與善后大借款案,反對發(fā)動二次革命,但由于他們所代表的中間派力量十分弱小,所以他們并沒有能力左右政局的發(fā)展。二次革命后黎元洪曾抵制袁世凱稱帝,并竭力抵制北洋軍閥武力統(tǒng)一的行徑,失敗后轉(zhuǎn)入實業(yè)救國的道路,終其一生未放棄民主共和的旗幟;程德全雖遁入空門,但從不后悔他在辛亥年的革命選擇,并以佛教慈悲心懷,而從事公益慈善事業(yè)。在辛亥革命106周年之際,這二位在辛亥革命期間順應(yīng)歷史潮流而動,推動辛亥革命成功的偉人之歷史功績我們是不應(yīng)當(dāng)忘記的。
[Abstract]:Li Yuanhong and Cheng Dequan were both the most popular figures in the 1911 Revolution, and they were one of the founders of the Republic of China. Before the Wuchang uprising broke out, Li Yuanhong was a senior general of the new army in Hubei Province, and Cheng Dequan was a real governor of Jiangsu. At this time, they were all senior officials loyal to the Qing court. Then, how did the two of them turn from Qing Dynasty dignitaries to the Founding Fathers of the Republic of China? On this question, the author found the answer from their early experiences and ideological tendencies. With the deepening of the national crisis and the influence of western learning, they had already sprouted the political tendency of "constitutional monarchy" before the beginning of the revolution, and established good relations with local constitutionalist leaders. Therefore, after the revolution broke out, after trying to save the Qing Dynasty without success, they gave up the position of "constitutional monarchy", quickly turned to "Republican constitution", supported the revolution, and made outstanding contributions to the establishment of the Republic of China. This paper makes an investigation and analysis of Li Yuanhong and Cheng Dequan in the period of Xinhai from three aspects: the role in the revolution of 1911, the treatment of the Party's countermeasures, and the change of attitude during the second revolution, and then compares the differences and similarities between the two. Li and Cheng, as the supreme leaders of Wuchang and Suzhou in the Revolution of 1911, represented, to varying degrees, two models of the Revolution of 1911, namely, the violent revolution model of Wuchang and the mode of peaceful restoration of Suzhou, which are complementary to each other. Together contributed to the victory of the Revolution of 1911 throughout the country, and played an important role in promoting the establishment of the Republic of China. How can Cheng win the trust of the people of Suzhou after the "wash-the-process" incident, while Li's reputation has plummeted after the "Zhang, Fang" incident? The author from their origins, counselors, strength three aspects of investigation and analysis. In the second revolution, in order to maintain the hard-won democratic Republican system, Li and Cheng both advocated the resolution of the Song case and the large loan case after the settlement by legal means, and opposed the launching of the second revolution, but because the centrist forces they represented were very weak. Therefore, they do not have the ability to influence the development of the political situation. After the second revolution, Li Yuanhong boycotted Yuan Shikai as emperor and tried his best to resist the unification of force by the northern warlords. After his failure, he turned to the road of saving the country in industry and never gave up the banner of democracy and republic throughout his life. Although Cheng Dequan escaped into the empty door, he never regretted his revolutionary choice in the year of 1911 and engaged in charity and charity with the compassion of Buddhism. On the occasion of the 106th anniversary of the 1911 Revolution, we should not forget the historical achievements of these two great men who followed the historical trend and promoted the success of the 1911 Revolution.
【學(xué)位授予單位】：蘇州科技大學(xué)
【學(xué)位級別】：碩士
【學(xué)位授予年份】：2017
【分類號】：K257

【相似文獻(xiàn)】

相關(guān)期刊論文 前10條

1 李凈f ;;黎元洪:從清朝統(tǒng)治“柱石”到王朝“掘墓人”[J];中國圖書評論;2011年06期

2 劉振嵐,張樹勇;黎元洪的祖籍、家世及青少年時代[J];天津社會科學(xué);1988年06期

3 莊秋水;;黎元洪:法與刀[J];看歷史;2010年12期

4 邱昌運;黎元洪國葬軼聞[J];湖北文史資料;2001年04期

5 裴yN;孫中山與黎元洪及武漢“中心說”[J];武漢文史資料;2001年09期

6 周建雄;;黎元洪的子女們[J];世紀(jì)行;2001年01期

7 周建雄;;黎元洪的子女們[J];世紀(jì)行;2001年02期

8 裴yN;;黎元洪妻妾傳奇[J];世紀(jì)行;2001年11期

9 黃春華;論章太炎與黎元洪的交誼[J];江漢論壇;2003年10期

10 嚴(yán)威;黎元洪與民初政爭[J];鄂州大學(xué)學(xué)報;2005年05期

相關(guān)會議論文 前2條

1 蕭致治;任澤全;;黎元洪在辛亥革命后的轉(zhuǎn)變初探[A];紀(jì)念辛亥革命七十周年學(xué)術(shù)討論會論文集（中）[C];1981年

2 張或定;張哨峰;張勁峰;;罕見黎元洪頭像紙幣再次發(fā)現(xiàn)[A];《武漢金融》(2012·12 總第156期)[C];2012年

相關(guān)重要報紙文章 前10條

1 本報記者 劉娟麗;專家推測：金匾字或為黎元洪所題應(yīng)非出自孫中山之手[N];郴州日報;2009年

2 王一水;黎元洪正式提出“總統(tǒng)之位相贈”[N];人民政協(xié)報;2011年

3 裴高才;黎元洪“知遇”蔡元培[N];中華讀書報;2011年

4 徐行;黎紹芬：我的父親是大總統(tǒng)[N];新金融觀察;2013年

5 吳偉忠;黎元洪開國紀(jì)念銀幣[N];中國商報;2003年

6 歷史學(xué)者 劉剛;槍桿子再也不出皇權(quán)[N];經(jīng)濟(jì)觀察報;2014年

7 ;振成樓易學(xué)建筑的典范之作[N];中華建筑報;2006年

8 嚴(yán)鍇;黎協(xié)統(tǒng)變成了黎都督[N];人民政協(xié)報;2011年

9 于淼;珍貴的戲單[N];中國商報;2001年

10 馬力;有了坐下來談?wù)劦臈l件[N];人民政協(xié)報;2011年

相關(guān)博士學(xué)位論文 前1條

1 胡鋒;黎元洪與民初政局[D];湖南師范大學(xué);2010年

相關(guān)碩士學(xué)位論文 前4條

1 余守運;1920年代的憲政運行[D];華中師范大學(xué);2016年

2 劉琳琳;辛亥時期的黎元洪與程德全之比較研究[D];蘇州科技大學(xué);2017年

3 [k倃敏;『大}蟷q黎元洪』翻，

本文編號：2443292