清流與晚清政治變革
發(fā)布時(shí)間：2018-09-09 15:22
【摘要】：在激流巨變的晚清社會(huì),政治變革無(wú)疑是最醒目的時(shí)代主題之一,社會(huì)各階級(jí),特別是士大夫階層競(jìng)相提出改革主張,助推著政治變革的起伏跌宕和晚清社會(huì)的劇烈變遷。崛起于光緒初年的清流,其主要活動(dòng)時(shí)期幾乎與晚清政治變革相始終,而其特殊的政治地位和思想文化觀念又對(duì)晚清政治變革產(chǎn)生了極大影響,所以研究清流與晚清政治變革,不僅對(duì)深入理解晚清社會(huì)的變遷,政治變革的性質(zhì)、發(fā)展脈絡(luò)和社會(huì)影響大有助益,而且對(duì)當(dāng)今社會(huì)也有一定的借鑒意義。 “清流”稱(chēng)號(hào)所表征的內(nèi)涵,與以它為名的群體所進(jìn)行的具體的政治活動(dòng)相聯(lián)系,并在特定的政治社會(huì)環(huán)境發(fā)生作用。作為與“濁流”的對(duì)應(yīng)語(yǔ),“清流”是由儒家倫理道德所標(biāo)尺的理想士大夫形象,并作為觀念在儒家士大夫中間延續(xù)著。但“清流”并非僅作為觀念而存在,在特定的歷史時(shí)期,一些士大夫以儒家的政治理想和道德原則相號(hào)召,以“清流”為名,形成政治集團(tuán),提出一致的政治主張。聯(lián)系“清流”的行為方式——“清議”,“清流”作為政治派別最早出現(xiàn)在東漢末年。東漢末年的“太學(xué)生”、唐末“清流”、南宋的抵抗派、明末的“東林黨”其實(shí)都是政治集團(tuán),是實(shí)際意義上的“清流黨”。而時(shí)至晚清,由于受社會(huì)性質(zhì)的影響,清流又有著與前代清流不盡相似的特點(diǎn),他們不僅有捍衛(wèi)傳統(tǒng)的一面,又在“西學(xué)”的沖擊下,有著變通“中學(xué)”,以適應(yīng)時(shí)代發(fā)展的一面。晚清時(shí)期的“清流”,經(jīng)時(shí)人和后來(lái)一些小說(shuō)家、掌故家的有意夸談和熱炒,概念變得非常模糊,稱(chēng)呼五花八門(mén),具體人數(shù)誰(shuí)也說(shuō)不清楚,當(dāng)時(shí)凡是負(fù)氣敢諫,而操守尚可的官員,就有可能被貼上“清流”的標(biāo)簽。盡管眾說(shuō)紛紜,言人人殊,但對(duì)清流的興起時(shí)間、活動(dòng)方式、主要代表、首領(lǐng)人物、前后分期等基本情況又大致認(rèn)同。至于晚清清流興起的原因,主要是因?yàn)楫?dāng)時(shí)言論比較開(kāi)放,政治環(huán)境較為寬松,但也與宮廷權(quán)爭(zhēng)和朝臣黨爭(zhēng)有一定的關(guān)系。他們是權(quán)力斗爭(zhēng)的工具,但又在政治斗爭(zhēng)的夾縫里鼓蕩聲勢(shì),成為晚清時(shí)期一股不可忽視的政治勢(shì)力。清流以名節(jié)相標(biāo)榜,評(píng)議朝政,臧否人物,凌厲無(wú)比,在對(duì)外關(guān)系方面,一味強(qiáng)硬,積極主戰(zhàn),在很大程度上影響當(dāng)時(shí)的政治走向。 清流作為一股政治勢(shì)力,叱咤于晚清政壇,無(wú)疑對(duì)當(dāng)時(shí)風(fēng)起云涌的政治變革產(chǎn)生影響,但他們的改革主張很大程度上由其思想傾向所決定。他們中的絕大多數(shù)都是經(jīng)科舉而入仕途,是傳統(tǒng)文化的飽學(xué)之士,自然也繼承了傳統(tǒng)文化中的精華──經(jīng)世思想,所以他們有著求通務(wù)實(shí)的思想品格和濟(jì)世安民的社會(huì)責(zé)任感。然而,他們畢竟久受傳統(tǒng)思想的浸染,秉承了忠君衛(wèi)道的傳統(tǒng)理念,所以又習(xí)慣于立足于傳統(tǒng)的治國(guó)之道,從傳統(tǒng)治術(shù)中尋求“醫(yī)世藥方”。既求通務(wù)實(shí),又忠君衛(wèi)道,清流這一身兩性的特點(diǎn),決定了他們?cè)谕砬逭巫兏锏拇蟪敝?思想始終處于矛盾、對(duì)沖的膠著狀態(tài)。 晚清的政治變革實(shí)際上是一場(chǎng)學(xué)習(xí)西方的運(yùn)動(dòng),而“師夷”思潮緣起于一敗再敗于西方,當(dāng)這一思潮廣泛流布,并逐漸被洋務(wù)派付諸實(shí)踐之時(shí),散發(fā)著濃濃士大夫氣息的清流仍然死守傳統(tǒng)文化的陣地,依據(jù)孔孟之道來(lái)回應(yīng)西學(xué)的逼迫。抱著嚴(yán)“夷夏之防”的傳統(tǒng)觀念,清流在初興時(shí)期以保守的姿態(tài)出現(xiàn),把洋務(wù)派學(xué)習(xí)西方看成是“師事夷人”之舉而痛加韃伐。大致在十九世紀(jì)八十年代,隨著對(duì)西學(xué)認(rèn)識(shí)的加深,尤其是一些清流骨干外放地方任職之后,在實(shí)際事務(wù)中痛感傳統(tǒng)的一套不敷實(shí)用,他們的思想開(kāi)始發(fā)生變化,把目光投向洋務(wù)。在他們看來(lái),器物層面的西化可以被納入他們崇奉的儒學(xué)體系中,作為“術(shù)用”的補(bǔ)充,與他們恪守的儒家之道并行不悖,所以主張?jiān)凇暗馈辈蛔兊那疤嵯?有選擇地學(xué)習(xí)西方的“器”,從而提出廣泛的洋務(wù)軍事、經(jīng)濟(jì)和教育思想。清流主張學(xué)習(xí)西方,與洋務(wù)派有著許多共識(shí),但兩派的分歧仍然很大,清流不滿(mǎn)洋務(wù)事業(yè)腐敗叢生、效率低下,常常對(duì)其大肆攻訐,尤其是洋務(wù)派的對(duì)外妥協(xié)外交政策,引起清流的強(qiáng)烈不滿(mǎn),時(shí)常遭到他們的詬病。 甲午戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)之后,受空前民族危機(jī)的刺激,要求變法圖強(qiáng)的呼聲匯成山呼海嘯之勢(shì),學(xué)習(xí)西方的先進(jìn)科技文化,不再被視為“師事夷人”之舉,而被看成救時(shí)之方,這一點(diǎn)得到當(dāng)時(shí)士大夫們的普遍認(rèn)同。在呼吁政治變革的巨大聲浪中,出于圖強(qiáng)御侮的現(xiàn)實(shí)考慮,清流主張變法,并提出許多切中時(shí)弊的改革方案,有些甚至觸及制度的邊緣。為了推動(dòng)政治變革的順利進(jìn)行,清流引主張變革的激進(jìn)者維新派為同道,對(duì)其大力薦舉、保護(hù),并與之合作,兩者在兼容牽動(dòng)中推動(dòng)著改革的發(fā)展,但由于兩派的思想文化觀始終存在著很大差距,清流把變法控制在封建根本政治制度所能容納的范圍之內(nèi),不能接受維新派過(guò)激的變法主張。在改革的進(jìn)程和內(nèi)容方面,維新派主張“全變”、“速變”,而清流卻是建議“漸變”、“小變”,對(duì)康有為提出的“偽經(jīng)改制”又深為不滿(mǎn),所以?xún)膳芍饾u出現(xiàn)分歧。于是清流一改原來(lái)對(duì)維新派支持的態(tài)度,轉(zhuǎn)而反對(duì)康、梁等維新派代表人物在變革上的一些舉措。清流簇?fù)碓诠饩w帝周?chē)?本想通過(guò)變法來(lái)爭(zhēng)取政治上的主動(dòng)權(quán),與以慈禧為首的后黨集團(tuán)爭(zhēng)衡,但由于實(shí)力的懸殊,結(jié)果他們被后黨以各種“莫須有”的罪名一一剪除。 然而清流并非如守舊派一樣,死抱傳統(tǒng)不放,在民族危機(jī)空前嚴(yán)重的情況下,隨著對(duì)西學(xué)認(rèn)識(shí)的加深,他們開(kāi)始了由守“道”到變“道”的嬗變。張之洞、張謇這兩位清流的主要代表人物,分別在洋務(wù)運(yùn)動(dòng)和維新變法時(shí)期,思想和身份發(fā)生了一些變化,但無(wú)論怎樣變,都是作為清流在思想上的延伸和身份上的交叉。他們?cè)凇扒迥┬抡睍r(shí)期極其活躍,其變革主張表現(xiàn)出與以前不同的特點(diǎn)。遭庚子之役的重創(chuàng)后,清廷發(fā)布改革上諭,“清末新政”就是在內(nèi)外交困的形勢(shì)下拉開(kāi)了序幕。一向持重練達(dá)的張之洞,經(jīng)過(guò)一番頻繁的函電往來(lái)后,窺測(cè)出朝廷變法的真實(shí)用意,招募一批清流人士擬寫(xiě)奏折,與兩江總督劉坤一聯(lián)銜上《江楚會(huì)奏改革三折》。“三折”在變通科舉、用人行政、司法制度和經(jīng)濟(jì)法規(guī)等方面,已經(jīng)涉及到體制本身的改革,但基本上仍是《勸學(xué)篇》的翻版,重彈“中體西用”的老調(diào)。而一向以“平生萬(wàn)事居人后”的張謇,在1903年從日本游歷歸國(guó)之后,思想發(fā)生很大變化,認(rèn)識(shí)到非立憲不能救國(guó),開(kāi)始積極投身于憲政運(yùn)動(dòng),成為立憲派的主要代表。但因清政府缺乏立憲的誠(chéng)心,立憲運(yùn)動(dòng)最后無(wú)果而終。 總之,清流士大夫感于民族危機(jī)的嚴(yán)重,從自己的思想認(rèn)識(shí)出發(fā),主張政治變革,而其本身的特殊性決定了他們政治變革思想獨(dú)具特色。清流提倡政治變革的動(dòng)機(jī)是要圖強(qiáng)御侮,但是最終沒(méi)有達(dá)到目的,分析其中原因,可為我們提供深刻的啟示。
[Abstract]:In the late Qing Dynasty, political change was undoubtedly one of the most striking themes of the times. All social classes, especially the scholar-bureaucrats, put forward proposals for reform, which promoted the ups and downs of political change and drastic changes of the late Qing Dynasty. From beginning to end, its special political status and ideological and cultural concepts had a great impact on the political changes in the late Qing Dynasty. Therefore, the study of the Qingliu and the political changes in the late Qing Dynasty is not only helpful to understand the social changes in the late Qing Dynasty, the nature of the political changes, the development context and social influence, but also has a certain reference significance for today's society.
The connotation represented by the title of "Qingliu" is related to the specific political activities carried out by other groups and plays a role in the specific political and social environment. But "Qingliu" did not exist only as a concept. In a particular historical period, some scholars called on Confucian political ideals and moral principles to form political groups in the name of "Qingliu" and put forward consistent political propositions. In the late Eastern Han Dynasty, the "Tai students" in the late Eastern Han Dynasty, the "Qingliu" in the late Tang Dynasty, the resistance in the Southern Song Dynasty, and the "Donglin Party" in the late Ming Dynasty were all political groups and "Qingliu Party" in the practical sense. In the late Qing Dynasty, the Qingliu was deliberately exaggerated and speculated by the contemporaries and later novelists, and the concept became very vague. The names were varied. No one could tell the exact number of people. At that time, the Qingliu was always daring to criticize. Although there are different opinions and different spokesmen, they generally agree with the basic situation of Qingliu, such as the time of its rise, the mode of its activities, the main representatives, the leaders and the stages before and after. As for the reasons for the rise of Qingliu in the late Qing Dynasty, the main reason is that the speech was more open and the political environment was more favorable. They were the tools of the power struggle, but they stirred up momentum in the cracks of the political struggle and became a political force that could not be ignored in the late Qing Dynasty. The war, to a large extent, affected the political trend at that time.
Qingliu, as a political force, exerted great influence on the political changes in the late Qing Dynasty, but their ideas of reform were largely determined by their ideological tendency. Most of them entered the official career through imperial examinations, were scholars of traditional culture, and naturally inherited the essence of traditional culture. However, after all, they have long been influenced by the traditional ideas and inherited the traditional concept of loyalty to the emperor and the way of safeguarding the morality. Therefore, they are accustomed to the traditional way of governing the country and seek "medical prescription" from the traditional way of governing the country. Junwei Dao and Qingliu, the characteristics of both sexes, decided that in the tide of political change in the late Qing Dynasty, their thoughts were always in contradiction and hedging.
In fact, the political reform in the late Qing Dynasty was a movement to learn from the West, and the thought of "learning from the Yi" originated from one defeat and then defeated in the West. When this thought spread widely and was gradually put into practice by the Westernization School, the Qingliu still adhered to the position of the traditional culture with strong scholar-bureaucrat flavor, and responded to the coercion of Western learning according to Confucianism and Mencius. Following the traditional concept of "Yi Xia Zhi Fang", Qing Liu emerged as a conservative figure in the early days of the Qing Dynasty, and took the Westernization School's study of the West as an act of "learning from foreigners" to aggravate its attacks. In the 1880s of the 19th century, with the deepening of its understanding of Western learning, especially after some of the Qing backbones were laid off from their posts in other places, Qing Liu began to work in practical affairs. In their view, the Westernization of the object level can be incorporated into the Confucian system they advocate, as a supplement to the "use of art" and in line with their adherence to the Confucian doctrine, so they advocate that the "Tao" remain unchanged, selectively. Qingliu advocates learning from the West and has a lot of common understanding with the Westernization School, but the differences between the two groups are still very large. Qingliu is dissatisfied with the corruption and inefficiency of the Westernization cause, and often raises aggressive criticism against it, especially the foreign policy of compromise of the Westernization School, which leads to the Qing Dynasty. The strong dissatisfaction of the flow is often criticized by them.
After the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895, stimulated by the unprecedented national crisis, the call for reform and strong efforts converged into the tsunami situation, learning the advanced western science and technology and culture, no longer regarded as "learning from foreigners" move, but as a way to save the time, which was generally recognized by the scholars and doctors at that time. In the huge wave of appealing for political change, out of the intention of learning. In order to promote the smooth progress of political reform, Qingliu led the radical reformers who advocated change to advocate for the same cause, vigorously recommended, protected and cooperated with them. Both of them promoted the reform in a compatible way. However, due to the great disparity between the ideological and cultural views of the two schools, Qingliu held the reform within the scope of the basic feudal political system and could not accept the radical reform propositions of the Reformists. As a result, Qingliu changed his attitude toward the reformers and opposed some measures taken by the representatives of the reformers such as Kang and Liang. They competed with the post-party group headed by Cixi, but because of the disparity in strength, they were cut off one by one by the post-party on various "unnecessary" charges.
However, Qingliu is not as conservative as the clinging to tradition. Under the unprecedented serious national crisis, with the deepening of understanding of Western learning, they began to change from "Tao" to "Tao". Zhang Zhidong and Zhang Jian, the two main representatives of Qingliu, respectively, occurred in the Westernization Movement and the Reform and Reform Period. They were extremely active in the period of the New Deal in the late Qing Dynasty, and their ideas of reform showed different characteristics from those before. After the Boxer Battle, the Qing government issued an edict on reform. The New Deal in the late Qing Dynasty was a pull-down in the situation of internal and external diplomatic difficulties. After frequent correspondence and correspondence, Zhang Zhidong, who had always been a vigorous practitioner, discovered the true intention of the court's reform and recruited a group of people from the Qing Dynasty to write a memorial book. In the title of "Jiangchu Huizu Reform Triple Discount" with Liu Kun, governor of the two rivers, Zhang Zhidong "Triple Discount" has already been used in adjusting the imperial examinations, employing personnel administration, judicial system and economic regulations. It involves the reform of the system itself, but basically it is still a copy of the "Persuasion to Learn" and a repetition of the old tune of "Chinese Sports and Western Use". Main representative. However, because of the lack of sincerity of constitutionalism, the constitutional movement finally failed.
In a word, Qingliu scholar-bureaucrats felt the serious national crisis and advocated political change from their own ideological understanding. Their own particularity determined their unique political reform thought. Apocalypse.
【學(xué)位授予單位】：湖南大學(xué)
【學(xué)位級(jí)別】：博士
【學(xué)位授予年份】：2011
【分類(lèi)號(hào)】：K252
本文編號(hào)：2232766
[Abstract]:In the late Qing Dynasty, political change was undoubtedly one of the most striking themes of the times. All social classes, especially the scholar-bureaucrats, put forward proposals for reform, which promoted the ups and downs of political change and drastic changes of the late Qing Dynasty. From beginning to end, its special political status and ideological and cultural concepts had a great impact on the political changes in the late Qing Dynasty. Therefore, the study of the Qingliu and the political changes in the late Qing Dynasty is not only helpful to understand the social changes in the late Qing Dynasty, the nature of the political changes, the development context and social influence, but also has a certain reference significance for today's society.
The connotation represented by the title of "Qingliu" is related to the specific political activities carried out by other groups and plays a role in the specific political and social environment. But "Qingliu" did not exist only as a concept. In a particular historical period, some scholars called on Confucian political ideals and moral principles to form political groups in the name of "Qingliu" and put forward consistent political propositions. In the late Eastern Han Dynasty, the "Tai students" in the late Eastern Han Dynasty, the "Qingliu" in the late Tang Dynasty, the resistance in the Southern Song Dynasty, and the "Donglin Party" in the late Ming Dynasty were all political groups and "Qingliu Party" in the practical sense. In the late Qing Dynasty, the Qingliu was deliberately exaggerated and speculated by the contemporaries and later novelists, and the concept became very vague. The names were varied. No one could tell the exact number of people. At that time, the Qingliu was always daring to criticize. Although there are different opinions and different spokesmen, they generally agree with the basic situation of Qingliu, such as the time of its rise, the mode of its activities, the main representatives, the leaders and the stages before and after. As for the reasons for the rise of Qingliu in the late Qing Dynasty, the main reason is that the speech was more open and the political environment was more favorable. They were the tools of the power struggle, but they stirred up momentum in the cracks of the political struggle and became a political force that could not be ignored in the late Qing Dynasty. The war, to a large extent, affected the political trend at that time.
Qingliu, as a political force, exerted great influence on the political changes in the late Qing Dynasty, but their ideas of reform were largely determined by their ideological tendency. Most of them entered the official career through imperial examinations, were scholars of traditional culture, and naturally inherited the essence of traditional culture. However, after all, they have long been influenced by the traditional ideas and inherited the traditional concept of loyalty to the emperor and the way of safeguarding the morality. Therefore, they are accustomed to the traditional way of governing the country and seek "medical prescription" from the traditional way of governing the country. Junwei Dao and Qingliu, the characteristics of both sexes, decided that in the tide of political change in the late Qing Dynasty, their thoughts were always in contradiction and hedging.
In fact, the political reform in the late Qing Dynasty was a movement to learn from the West, and the thought of "learning from the Yi" originated from one defeat and then defeated in the West. When this thought spread widely and was gradually put into practice by the Westernization School, the Qingliu still adhered to the position of the traditional culture with strong scholar-bureaucrat flavor, and responded to the coercion of Western learning according to Confucianism and Mencius. Following the traditional concept of "Yi Xia Zhi Fang", Qing Liu emerged as a conservative figure in the early days of the Qing Dynasty, and took the Westernization School's study of the West as an act of "learning from foreigners" to aggravate its attacks. In the 1880s of the 19th century, with the deepening of its understanding of Western learning, especially after some of the Qing backbones were laid off from their posts in other places, Qing Liu began to work in practical affairs. In their view, the Westernization of the object level can be incorporated into the Confucian system they advocate, as a supplement to the "use of art" and in line with their adherence to the Confucian doctrine, so they advocate that the "Tao" remain unchanged, selectively. Qingliu advocates learning from the West and has a lot of common understanding with the Westernization School, but the differences between the two groups are still very large. Qingliu is dissatisfied with the corruption and inefficiency of the Westernization cause, and often raises aggressive criticism against it, especially the foreign policy of compromise of the Westernization School, which leads to the Qing Dynasty. The strong dissatisfaction of the flow is often criticized by them.
After the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895, stimulated by the unprecedented national crisis, the call for reform and strong efforts converged into the tsunami situation, learning the advanced western science and technology and culture, no longer regarded as "learning from foreigners" move, but as a way to save the time, which was generally recognized by the scholars and doctors at that time. In the huge wave of appealing for political change, out of the intention of learning. In order to promote the smooth progress of political reform, Qingliu led the radical reformers who advocated change to advocate for the same cause, vigorously recommended, protected and cooperated with them. Both of them promoted the reform in a compatible way. However, due to the great disparity between the ideological and cultural views of the two schools, Qingliu held the reform within the scope of the basic feudal political system and could not accept the radical reform propositions of the Reformists. As a result, Qingliu changed his attitude toward the reformers and opposed some measures taken by the representatives of the reformers such as Kang and Liang. They competed with the post-party group headed by Cixi, but because of the disparity in strength, they were cut off one by one by the post-party on various "unnecessary" charges.
However, Qingliu is not as conservative as the clinging to tradition. Under the unprecedented serious national crisis, with the deepening of understanding of Western learning, they began to change from "Tao" to "Tao". Zhang Zhidong and Zhang Jian, the two main representatives of Qingliu, respectively, occurred in the Westernization Movement and the Reform and Reform Period. They were extremely active in the period of the New Deal in the late Qing Dynasty, and their ideas of reform showed different characteristics from those before. After the Boxer Battle, the Qing government issued an edict on reform. The New Deal in the late Qing Dynasty was a pull-down in the situation of internal and external diplomatic difficulties. After frequent correspondence and correspondence, Zhang Zhidong, who had always been a vigorous practitioner, discovered the true intention of the court's reform and recruited a group of people from the Qing Dynasty to write a memorial book. In the title of "Jiangchu Huizu Reform Triple Discount" with Liu Kun, governor of the two rivers, Zhang Zhidong "Triple Discount" has already been used in adjusting the imperial examinations, employing personnel administration, judicial system and economic regulations. It involves the reform of the system itself, but basically it is still a copy of the "Persuasion to Learn" and a repetition of the old tune of "Chinese Sports and Western Use". Main representative. However, because of the lack of sincerity of constitutionalism, the constitutional movement finally failed.
In a word, Qingliu scholar-bureaucrats felt the serious national crisis and advocated political change from their own ideological understanding. Their own particularity determined their unique political reform thought. Apocalypse.
【學(xué)位授予單位】：湖南大學(xué)
【學(xué)位級(jí)別】：博士
【學(xué)位授予年份】：2011
【分類(lèi)號(hào)】：K252
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