本文選題：李鴻章 + 宗藩關(guān)系��； 參考：《延邊大學(xué)》2017年碩士論文

【摘要】：中國與朝鮮的宗藩關(guān)系由來已久。伴隨著西方軍事、經(jīng)濟(jì)和文化的強(qiáng)勢入侵,朝鮮的社會秩序遭受了猛烈的沖擊,對中朝宗藩關(guān)系產(chǎn)生了諸多沖擊,至清朝末年這種宗藩關(guān)系逐漸瓦解。在此過程中,李鴻章作為晚清朝鮮事務(wù)的主持者對宗藩關(guān)系進(jìn)行了較大程度的變革。為了避免朝鮮淪為資本主義列強(qiáng)的殖民地,維護(hù)清朝對朝鮮的宗主國地位,李鴻章期望通過提高對其的掌控和內(nèi)政的干涉來對其進(jìn)行控制,以企保全朝鮮進(jìn)而保障清朝的安全。1876年至1885年期間,從不斷致函于朝鮮官員,想要說服他們開國到從中斡旋,到勸導(dǎo)朝鮮簽訂與美國的通商條約,到對朝鮮壬午、甲申兩次事變積極介入,到最終全面干涉朝鮮的整個過程中的李鴻章對朝政策一直是清晰而明確的,并非僅僅只是為了鞏固清政府在朝的勢力,重中之重在于確保兩國的宗藩關(guān)系不動搖。但這樣的做法很大程度上是以清政府的利益作為出發(fā)點(diǎn),所以對藩屬國朝鮮的利益有所犧牲,這種觀念一定程度上又推動了屬國對宗藩關(guān)系的背離,客觀上導(dǎo)致中朝宗藩關(guān)系逐漸瓦解。對于李鴻章在中朝宗藩關(guān)系轉(zhuǎn)變中觀念到手段的梳理,揭示出來的卻是李鴻章在晚清變革時代,面對西方列強(qiáng)軍事、政治和文化等方面的沖擊,在東方保守的傳統(tǒng)思想文化與適應(yīng)列強(qiáng)帶來的西方思想文化之間來回掙扎、不斷調(diào)整的心路歷程。不可否認(rèn)的是,李鴻章也曾試圖對宗藩制度和西方近代國際秩序進(jìn)行融合,但是最終效果卻不盡如意。甚至很大程度上,這兩種觀念交匯產(chǎn)生的不是融合,而是沖突。而這些觀念給李鴻章的對朝外交實(shí)踐帶來了一定負(fù)面影響。綜上所述,1876-1885間李鴻章對朝鮮的政策既有傳承,又有發(fā)展,具備明顯的階段特征,同時受西方資本主義國家的侵略、宗藩體制內(nèi)部的不平等、清政府國力的衰落等諸多因素影響,宗藩體制逐漸走向了瓦解。而李鴻章加強(qiáng)對朝鮮事務(wù)的干涉所引發(fā)的負(fù)面效果也令人深思,在近代國際主權(quán)觀念越發(fā)受到認(rèn)可和接受的背景下,干涉乃至控制他國內(nèi)政只能引發(fā)對抗和沖突。因此,在建立新型國際秩序上,必須堅(jiān)持和平協(xié)商的理念,力求國與國之間從名義到實(shí)質(zhì)都能夠體現(xiàn)出平等精神。
[Abstract]:The Suzerain-vassal relationship between China and North Korea has a long history. With the powerful invasion of the western military, economy and culture, the social order of North Korea suffered a violent impact, which had a lot of impact on the Sino-Korean suzerain-vassal relations, which gradually collapsed in the late Qing Dynasty. In this process, Li Hongzhang, as the moderator of Korean affairs in the late Qing Dynasty, made great changes to the suzerain-vassal relationship. In order to prevent North Korea from becoming a colony of capitalist powers and to safeguard the Qing Dynasty's status as a sovereign state over Korea, Li Hongzhang hoped to control it by increasing its control and interference in its internal affairs. Between 1876 and 1885, it continued to write letters to North Korean officials, trying to persuade them to mediate between the country and the United States, to persuade the DPRK to sign a treaty of trade with the United States, and to do business with the DPRK. Jia Shen actively intervened in the two incidents, and Li Hongzhang's policy towards the DPRK was always clear and clear in the whole process of ultimately interfering in the DPRK, not just to consolidate the Qing government's influence in the DPRK. The top priority is to ensure that the suzerainty-vassal relations between the two countries are not shaken. But to a large extent, this practice took the interests of the Qing government as the starting point, thus sacrificing the interests of the subordinate state of Korea. To a certain extent, this concept also promoted the departure of the subordinate states from the suzerain-vassal relations. Objectively, it led to the gradual disintegration of the Suzerain-vassal relationship between China and Korea. As for Li Hongzhang's concept and means in the transformation of Sino-Korean suzerain-vassal relations, what he reveals is the impact on the military, political and cultural aspects of Western powers in the late Qing Dynasty. Between the traditional ideology and culture of the oriental conservatism and the Western ideology and culture brought about by the great powers, the process of constantly adjusting the mind. It is undeniable that Li Hongzhang also tried to merge the suzerainty-vassal system with the western modern international order, but the final effect was not satisfactory. Even to a large extent, the intersection of these two ideas does not result in fusion, but conflict. These ideas have brought certain negative influence to Li Hongzhang's diplomatic practice to the DPRK. To sum up, the policies of 1876-1885 Li Hongzhang to North Korea have both inheritance and development, and have obvious stage characteristics. At the same time, they are influenced by the aggression of western capitalist countries, the inequality within the suzerain-vassal system, the decline of the Qing government's national strength, and so on. The suzerainty-vassal system gradually disintegrated. The negative effect caused by Li Hongzhang's strengthening interference in Korean affairs is also thought-provoking. Under the background of the recognition and acceptance of modern international sovereignty, interference and even control of the internal affairs of other countries can only lead to confrontation and conflict. Therefore, in the establishment of a new international order, we must adhere to the concept of peaceful consultation and strive to embody the spirit of equality between countries in both name and substance.
【學(xué)位授予單位】：延邊大學(xué)
【學(xué)位級別】：碩士
【學(xué)位授予年份】：2017
【分類號】：K252

【參考文獻(xiàn)】

相關(guān)期刊論文 前10條

1 李細(xì)珠;;李鴻章對日本的認(rèn)識及其外交策略——以1870年代為中心[J];社會科學(xué)輯刊;2013年01期

2 陳開科;;1886年李鴻章、拉德仁天津會談與中、俄朝鮮政策[J];近代史研究;2012年06期

3 劉海榮;;李鴻章晚清外交思想綜論[J];蘭臺世界;2012年30期

4 龔捷;;淺析李鴻章“以夷制夷”外交思想[J];安徽警官職業(yè)學(xué)院學(xué)報;2011年01期

5 李玉勝;;李鴻章外交思想社會動因新探[J];信陽師范學(xué)院學(xué)報(哲學(xué)社會科學(xué)版);2011年01期

6 方民鎬;;李鴻章對朝鮮的“以夷制夷”政策與《朝美條約》的訂立[J];東疆學(xué)刊;2010年04期

7 易振龍;;論李鴻章“以夷制夷”外交策略[J];內(nèi)蒙古農(nóng)業(yè)大學(xué)學(xué)報(社會科學(xué)版);2009年01期

8 馬勇;;宗藩體制解體與東北亞亂局[J];安徽史學(xué);2008年01期

9 劉宏周;;李鴻章外交思想述評[J];時代人物;2007年11期

10 朱婧;;甲午戰(zhàn)前李鴻章與日本的外交之比較[J];江蘇教育學(xué)院學(xué)報(社會科學(xué)版);2007年01期

相關(guān)博士學(xué)位論文 前1條

1 蔡建;大韓帝國與中國的外交關(guān)系1897—1910[D];復(fù)旦大學(xué);2004年

相關(guān)碩士學(xué)位論文 前6條

1 金云權(quán);試論十九世紀(jì)末中朝近代平等國家關(guān)系的建立[D];延邊大學(xué);2016年

2 劉洋;中越與中朝宗藩關(guān)系解體的比較研究[D];延邊大學(xué);2016年

3 劉曉敏;李鴻章的勸導(dǎo)和1882年《朝美條約》的簽訂[D];延邊大學(xué);2009年

4 宋娜娜;朝鮮“壬午兵變”與清對朝政策研究[D];延邊大學(xué);2006年

5 黃俊華;李鴻章與晚清宗藩體制的瓦解[D];河南大學(xué);2004年

6 林國亮;試論近代中朝宗藩關(guān)系的瓦解[D];延邊大學(xué);2003年

，

本文編號：1823850