本文選題：互助 + 山東　； 參考：《山東大學(xué)》2012年博士論文

【摘要】：20世紀(jì)上半葉,中國(guó)農(nóng)民互助合作的形態(tài)處于新舊交替的時(shí)期,它既保留著舊式互助的基本特征,又受到新型合作形式的沖擊和影響,可以說(shuō)這一時(shí)期是新中國(guó)成立后我國(guó)農(nóng)業(yè)合作化運(yùn)動(dòng)的一個(gè)重要的準(zhǔn)備階段�；凇皻v史是一個(gè)不斷的過(guò)程”的治史觀念,我們要深入研究農(nóng)業(yè)合作化問(wèn)題,就不應(yīng)該淡忘這段歷史。因此,本文以20世紀(jì)上半葉山東農(nóng)民的互助合作為切入點(diǎn),試圖從中觀察到近代農(nóng)民在互助合作過(guò)程中的基本性格特征,并對(duì)農(nóng)民合作形式的演變過(guò)程進(jìn)行梳理和理論上的反思,以揭示出影響農(nóng)民走向集體化的制約因素。 近代山東農(nóng)村的“封閉性”影響著農(nóng)民在互助合作過(guò)程中的“結(jié)合力”。農(nóng)民在在日常生產(chǎn)生活中結(jié)成了分散的互助組合,在這種互助組合的內(nèi)部,農(nóng)戶之間的“結(jié)合力”較強(qiáng)；而在對(duì)外時(shí)互助組合則表現(xiàn)出較強(qiáng)的排他性,為獲取村內(nèi)的公共資源,互助組合內(nèi)的農(nóng)戶會(huì)團(tuán)結(jié)一致與組合外的村民展開(kāi)爭(zhēng)奪。從村落的層面來(lái)看,近代山東大多數(shù)村落都具有悠久的歷史和適宜農(nóng)業(yè)發(fā)展的生態(tài)環(huán)境,在此基礎(chǔ)上,村落中的人際關(guān)系能夠長(zhǎng)久地保持和諧穩(wěn)定的狀態(tài)。而自然災(zāi)害的侵襲則激發(fā)了村民的集體防御意識(shí),如山東大部分村落的分布、村民居住的格局以及圍墻等公共設(shè)施的建立,都與村落的集體安全有著密切的聯(lián)系。這種集體防御意識(shí)的增強(qiáng)在一定程度上有利于村民“村落共同體”意識(shí)構(gòu)建。傳統(tǒng)村落并不是絕對(duì)封閉的,農(nóng)民還需通過(guò)村外的交往獲得自己需要的資源,但大多數(shù)農(nóng)民都走不出狹隘的地域界限,他們的對(duì)外交往一般不會(huì)超過(guò)基層市場(chǎng)的范圍�？傮w而言,山東農(nóng)村社會(huì)的封閉性特征,有助于農(nóng)民之間建立穩(wěn)固的人際關(guān)系；同時(shí)在相對(duì)封閉的社會(huì)環(huán)境下,農(nóng)民獲得社會(huì)資源的范圍相當(dāng)有限,為在有限的范圍內(nèi)獲得較多的社會(huì)資源,與他人展開(kāi)互助合作便成為許多農(nóng)民的選擇。 在互助過(guò)程中,農(nóng)戶之間“結(jié)合力”的大小也受到社會(huì)關(guān)系的制約。20世紀(jì)上半葉,在山東農(nóng)村中,宗族對(duì)農(nóng)民舊式互助合作的規(guī)定最具明確性和約束力,很多地方都有“同族在土地買賣中具有優(yōu)先權(quán)”、“遇有婚喪儀式,同族之人必須參加”等等規(guī)定。不過(guò),近代山東大部分村落的家族勢(shì)力不強(qiáng),宗族組織松散,親緣認(rèn)同觀念有淡化的趨勢(shì),這就在一定程度上限制了建立在親緣關(guān)系對(duì)農(nóng)民互助活動(dòng)的影響,而地域關(guān)系在農(nóng)民互助中的重要性卻逐漸凸現(xiàn)出來(lái)。除此之外,在農(nóng)民互助合作中,因業(yè)緣而生的各種后天性私人關(guān)系也是十分重要關(guān)系資源。 從互助的主體來(lái)看,吸引農(nóng)民進(jìn)行互助合作的“結(jié)合力”主要是農(nóng)民現(xiàn)實(shí)的需要或利益。20世紀(jì)上半葉,山東農(nóng)民的互助合作是在鄉(xiāng)村社會(huì)的動(dòng)蕩和貧困中開(kāi)展的。除了耕地不足、農(nóng)業(yè)生產(chǎn)力水平低下、天災(zāi)人禍、婚喪陋俗等村落內(nèi)的制約因素之外,政府對(duì)農(nóng)村的掠奪、土匪對(duì)鄉(xiāng)村社會(huì)的劫掠式破壞以及商業(yè)資本和城市對(duì)鄉(xiāng)村的掠奪都加重了農(nóng)民的貧困。在缺少基本的公共設(shè)施和社會(huì)保障機(jī)制的情況下,作為一種在鄉(xiāng)村社會(huì)關(guān)系網(wǎng)絡(luò)中推進(jìn)的小規(guī)模社會(huì)保障,農(nóng)民之間開(kāi)展的互助合作就顯得尤為必要了。 對(duì)互助中“結(jié)合力”探討,在邏輯上衍生了本文對(duì)農(nóng)民互助自主性的關(guān)注。山東農(nóng)村舊有的互助形式主要包括婚喪禮儀性互助、農(nóng)業(yè)生產(chǎn)性互助、資金融通性互助、安全防御性互助等。這些互助都是農(nóng)民“生態(tài)理性”的產(chǎn)物,反映了傳統(tǒng)農(nóng)村社會(huì)人際關(guān)系的“差序格局”,同時(shí)其中也普遍存在著“按階層劃分的縱向界限”。在互助過(guò)程中,在民間懲罰機(jī)制的威懾下,農(nóng)民須遵守“互惠原則”以及其它與互助相關(guān)的傳統(tǒng)規(guī)定,同時(shí)其互助行為受經(jīng)濟(jì)理性和道德情感的共同支配。 在考察農(nóng)民舊式互助合作的“交流”時(shí),本文的興趣集中在互助的主體、互助的程序、互助中特殊的訊號(hào)和途徑等問(wèn)題上。近代山東大部分地區(qū)土地占有相對(duì)分散,村落社區(qū)社會(huì)分化程度不高,這種情況制約了農(nóng)民階級(jí)覺(jué)悟的萌發(fā),即使在土地占有相對(duì)集中的地區(qū),“農(nóng)民日常道德觀也與階級(jí)話語(yǔ)有著巨大的差別”,因而,農(nóng)民更傾向于以日常生活的邏輯或經(jīng)驗(yàn)為基礎(chǔ)來(lái)開(kāi)展互助活動(dòng)。關(guān)于農(nóng)民每一次具體互助的流程,我們可以以農(nóng)業(yè)生產(chǎn)性互助為例進(jìn)行說(shuō)明。在農(nóng)民舊式的農(nóng)業(yè)生產(chǎn)互助中,財(cái)富、誠(chéng)信、聲望、現(xiàn)實(shí)需求以及社會(huì)關(guān)系(主要是血緣、地緣關(guān)系)是互助關(guān)系建立前農(nóng)民需要考慮的幾大要素,互助關(guān)系建立之后,互助的發(fā)展分為兩個(gè)路徑,一是以富人為主導(dǎo)的異質(zhì)互助,互助的過(guò)程存在著一定的剝削性,如換工；一是建立在經(jīng)濟(jì)條件相當(dāng)基礎(chǔ)上的同質(zhì)互助,如搭套、合具等。在山東地區(qū),這兩種類型的互助都普遍地存在著,各階層農(nóng)戶按照自己的需求會(huì)理性地選擇不同的互助方式。而需求的滿足、關(guān)系的破裂或是交易時(shí)不公平的程度超過(guò)了一定的范圍都會(huì)引發(fā)互助關(guān)系的終結(jié)。 20世紀(jì)二三十年代,在戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)、災(zāi)荒和經(jīng)濟(jì)危機(jī)的交迫下,山東農(nóng)業(yè)經(jīng)濟(jì)破敗不堪,農(nóng)村的牲畜、農(nóng)具、人口大幅度減少,租稅、高利貸等封建剝削卻更加沉重�；ブ寝r(nóng)民解決生產(chǎn)、生活困難的手段之一,但農(nóng)民之間自發(fā)的互助效力有限,不能從根本上改變農(nóng)村經(jīng)濟(jì)的狀況。為拯救農(nóng)村危機(jī),國(guó)民政府和一些民間團(tuán)體發(fā)起了一場(chǎng)農(nóng)村合作運(yùn)動(dòng)。山東國(guó)統(tǒng)區(qū)的農(nóng)村合作運(yùn)動(dòng)基本上屬于一種由政府主導(dǎo)的強(qiáng)制性的制度安排,國(guó)民政府通過(guò)自上而下的合作法規(guī)的制定、合作指導(dǎo)機(jī)構(gòu)的設(shè)置以及對(duì)合作組織在經(jīng)濟(jì)政策上的扶植,將西方的合作社組織引入到了山東農(nóng)村,在一定程度上轉(zhuǎn)變了農(nóng)民互助合作的模式,提高了他們互助合作的經(jīng)濟(jì)效益,有利于他們合作意識(shí)的形成。但在推動(dòng)農(nóng)民從個(gè)體經(jīng)營(yíng)向集體生產(chǎn)轉(zhuǎn)變的過(guò)程中,這種強(qiáng)制性的制度安排存在的弱點(diǎn)也是顯而易見(jiàn)的。首先,在推行新型合作組織的過(guò)程中,國(guó)民政府沒(méi)有從根本上解決農(nóng)民的土地問(wèn)題,徹底地變革農(nóng)村的生產(chǎn)關(guān)系,因而其領(lǐng)導(dǎo)的農(nóng)村合作運(yùn)動(dòng)無(wú)法從根本上改變小農(nóng)農(nóng)業(yè)經(jīng)營(yíng)的分散狀態(tài),促進(jìn)農(nóng)業(yè)生產(chǎn)力的發(fā)展。其次,合作運(yùn)動(dòng)是國(guó)民政府單純用政治力量來(lái)推動(dòng)的,這就使合作社的建立更多地考慮了政府的意愿和制度偏好,容易忽視農(nóng)民對(duì)新型合作互助組織的接受程度和切身利益,從而大大降低了合作社在農(nóng)村的普及程度和影響程度。再次,合作組織的發(fā)展,過(guò)分依賴于政府的扶植,缺乏自我發(fā)展的能力,再加上受戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)和社會(huì)經(jīng)濟(jì)衰退的影響,國(guó)民政府扶植合作社的能力有限,這就極大限制了山東農(nóng)村合作社的發(fā)展。 20世紀(jì)40年代,中共在山東領(lǐng)導(dǎo)的農(nóng)民互助合作運(yùn)動(dòng)具有解放生產(chǎn)力和改造社會(huì)關(guān)系的雙重意義,從這一點(diǎn)來(lái)看,減租減息、反奸清算、土地改革與農(nóng)民的互助合作實(shí)踐有著割不斷的歷史聯(lián)系,它們共同組成了山東農(nóng)村集體化初級(jí)階段的歷史。在這個(gè)歷史階段中,中共一邊用革命手段開(kāi)辟農(nóng)村社會(huì)平均化的局面,一邊用互助合作來(lái)維系革命的成果。中共對(duì)農(nóng)民合作組織改造的思路是以誘致性制度變遷方式為主,即尊重農(nóng)民的互助習(xí)慣和自愿結(jié)合,盡量避免對(duì)互助組織內(nèi)部事務(wù)的過(guò)多干涉,從而使農(nóng)民能夠充分地發(fā)揮自己的能動(dòng)性和想象力,對(duì)舊式互助組織進(jìn)行改造。在這一過(guò)程中,新型的互助組織也不可避免的要受到村落社會(huì)地方性制度和社會(huì)關(guān)系的制約。隨著互助組織的發(fā)展,農(nóng)村的社會(huì)風(fēng)氣也為之一變,互助互濟(jì)的社會(huì)氛圍越來(lái)越濃,農(nóng)民的集體主義思想開(kāi)始樹(shù)立。 在當(dāng)時(shí)山東的互助合作運(yùn)動(dòng)中,中共有意引導(dǎo)農(nóng)民走長(zhǎng)期互助的道路,因而采取了扶植貧農(nóng)、中農(nóng)的策略,使貧農(nóng)、中農(nóng)樹(shù)立起了他們?cè)诨ブM織中的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)地位；同時(shí),中共的政策和宣傳、教育手段都向互助組織和社會(huì)經(jīng)濟(jì)的平均化傾斜,這在無(wú)形之中給農(nóng)民的心理造成了一定壓力,使他們?cè)诩尤牖ブM織時(shí)不得不考慮自己在政治上的得失。在這一過(guò)程中個(gè)體經(jīng)濟(jì)和集體經(jīng)濟(jì)之間存在的張力以及行政力量的參與,導(dǎo)致一些農(nóng)村的互助合作運(yùn)動(dòng)出現(xiàn)了偏差。
[Abstract]:In the first half of the 20th century , the form of mutual aid cooperation between Chinese farmers is in the new and old period . It retains the basic characteristics of old - fashioned mutual aid and the impact and influence of new cooperative forms . It can be said that this period is an important preparatory stage in China ' s agricultural cooperative movement after the founding of New China .

The " closed " of the rural areas in modern Shandong influences the " binding force " of farmers in the course of mutual aid cooperation , and farmers form dispersed mutual aid groups in daily production and life , and the " binding force " among farmers is stronger within the combination of mutual aid .
In the view of the village level , most of the villages in the modern Shandong province have a long history and an ecological environment suitable for the development of agriculture .
At the same time , in a relatively closed social environment , the scope of farmers ' access to social resources is rather limited , so that more social resources can be obtained within a limited range , and cooperation with others has become a choice for many farmers .

In the process of mutual assistance , the size of " binding force " between farmers is restricted by social relations . In the first half of the 20th century , the clan has the most explicit and binding provisions on the old - fashioned mutual aid cooperation among peasants .

From the main body of mutual aid , the " binding force " that attracts farmers to cooperate is mainly the needs or interests of the peasants ' reality . In the first half of the 20th century , mutual cooperation among farmers in Shandong is carried out in the unrest and poverty of the rural society . In addition to the shortage of cultivated land , the low level of agricultural productivity , the natural disaster and the looting of the countryside , the government has aggravated the poverty of the peasants . In the absence of basic public facilities and social security mechanisms , the cooperation among farmers is particularly necessary as a small - scale social security propelled in the network of rural social relations .

In the process of mutual aid , farmers must abide by the " reciprocity principle " and other traditional regulations related to mutual aid . At the same time , the mutual aid behavior is governed by economic reason and moral emotion .

In this paper , we can take agricultural productive mutual assistance as an example to illustrate the relationship between farmers ' daily morality and class discourse . In the old agricultural productive mutual aid , the development of mutual aid is divided into two paths : one is the heterogeneous mutual aid that the rich man dominates , and the mutual assistance process has certain exploitation , such as changing labor ;
One is the establishment of homogeneous mutual assistance on the basis of economic conditions , such as matching and fitting , etc . In the Shandong region , the mutual assistance of these two types is common , and the farmers in all walks of life can rationally choose different ways of mutual aid according to their own needs . The satisfaction of demand , the rupture of the relationship or the degree of unfair competition in the transaction exceed a certain range , which will lead to the end of the mutual aid relationship .

In order to save the rural crisis , the government and some folk groups have made a rural cooperative movement . In order to save the rural crisis , the government and some folk groups have made a rural cooperative movement . In order to save the rural crisis , the Kuomintang government and some folk groups have made a rural cooperative movement . In order to save the rural crisis , the Kuomintang government and some folk groups have made a rural cooperative movement .

In the 1940s , the Communist Party of China ( CPC ) , led by the Communist Party of China ( CPC ) in Shandong , has the dual meaning of liberating the productive forces and transforming the social relations . From this point of view , the Communist Party of China ( CPC ) has made continuous historical ties with the practice of mutual aid cooperation between the peasants and the peasants . In this historical stage , the Communist Party of China ( CPC ) has formed the history of the primary stage of rural collectivization in Shandong .

In the campaign of mutual aid cooperation at that time , the Communist Party of China intentionally guided the farmers to take long - term mutual assistance , and thus adopted strategies to foster the poor peasants and middle peasants , and set up the leading position of the poor peasants and the middle peasants in the mutual aid organizations ;
At the same time , the Communist Party ' s policies and propaganda , the educational means have been inclined to the average of the mutual aid organizations and the social economy , which has caused a certain pressure to the peasants ' psychology in the intangible , so that they have to take into account their political gains in joining the mutual aid organizations . In this process , the tension between the individual economy and the collective economy and the participation of administrative power have led to a deviation in the cooperative movement of some rural areas .

【學(xué)位授予單位】：山東大學(xué)
【學(xué)位級(jí)別】：博士
【學(xué)位授予年份】：2012
【分類號(hào)】：K26;F321.2

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