【摘要】： 剛果危機(jī)(1960-1963)為冷戰(zhàn)中多種層次的國際力量提供了一個交匯、碰撞的新場所。美國政府主要從全球冷戰(zhàn)的角度考慮剛果問題,遏制共產(chǎn)主義的擴(kuò)張是其一切對外政策的基點(diǎn)。然而,西歐盟國作為傳統(tǒng)的殖民國家,主要從殖民利益和地區(qū)利益上看待剛果危機(jī),反對美國過于干涉。正在崛起的亞非新興國家則支持剛果民族主義的訴求,并努力在國際政治舞臺上成為獨(dú)立于兩大陣營之外的第三支重要力量。剛果不斷覺醒的民族主義力量所關(guān)心的并非兩大陣營之間的冷戰(zhàn)與對抗,而是本國的主權(quán)獨(dú)立與領(lǐng)土完整。以上多種層次的力量在目標(biāo)上的矛盾與沖突注定使美國政府在決策中難以調(diào)和,只能根據(jù)形勢的輕重緩急搖擺于其中。 本文擬在國內(nèi)外學(xué)術(shù)界相關(guān)研究的基礎(chǔ)上,以《美國對外關(guān)系文件集》、《美國政府解密文件參考系統(tǒng)》、國家安全委員會文件以及國務(wù)院解密文件縮微膠片等為史料基礎(chǔ),運(yùn)用歷史唯物主義的研究方法并適當(dāng)參考西方國際關(guān)系理論,通過剛果危機(jī)案例分析美國政府在決策中的多重困境,展現(xiàn)冷戰(zhàn)中的各層次力量之間目標(biāo)差異與交疊的復(fù)雜性。 本文主要分為三部分:序言、正文和結(jié)論。其中,序言主要回顧關(guān)于剛果危機(jī)問題的研究狀況,并提出本選題的意義以及寫作思路:結(jié)語則對全文進(jìn)行簡要概括,總結(jié)美國政府在剛果危機(jī)決策中的多重困境及其冷戰(zhàn)意義所在。正文則分為五章論述。 第一章為背景介紹與分析,重點(diǎn)闡述了20世紀(jì)50年代美國對非洲、比屬剛果政策的演變。隨著1950年代冷戰(zhàn)向第三世界擴(kuò)展,美國對非洲政策逐漸經(jīng)歷了從以資源為中心到以戰(zhàn)略、意識形態(tài)為中心的轉(zhuǎn)變過程。在此過程中,美國政府逐漸制定出相對獨(dú)立的非洲政策。但是,它出于冷戰(zhàn)戰(zhàn)略考慮,不得不考慮殖民宗主國的利益,因而它的非洲政策仍然無法擺脫以歐洲為中心的傳統(tǒng)模式。其中,美國與比屬剛果的關(guān)系就是典型一例。 第二章介紹剛果危機(jī)爆發(fā)后兩個月期間,美國政府對剛果危機(jī)的反應(yīng)及其對策。剛果共和國在獨(dú)立后發(fā)生騷亂,比利時趁機(jī)出兵干涉,支持加丹加分裂。以盧蒙巴總理為首的剛果民族主義急于維護(hù)國家的主權(quán)與獨(dú)立,向超級大國求援。艾森豪威爾政府的政策經(jīng)歷了最初強(qiáng)調(diào)比利時對剛果負(fù)有責(zé)任,到支持聯(lián)合國出兵剛果,再到努力防止蘇聯(lián)“朝鮮式”介入的演變。美國政府一方面迫使自己的盟國做出部分讓步,另一方面則操縱聯(lián)合國在剛果問題上發(fā)揮主導(dǎo)性作用。然而,盧蒙巴試圖在蘇聯(lián)援助的基礎(chǔ)上以武力解決加丹加分裂,致使美國政府的努力化為泡影。 第三章考察與分析美國參與推翻盧蒙巴政府,甚至暗殺其本人的決策及行動。艾森豪威爾政府不惜踐踏民主原則,支持剛果總統(tǒng)卡薩武布解除盧蒙巴的總理職務(wù),隨后支持蒙博托發(fā)動政變徹底剝奪其權(quán)力。由于被軟禁的盧蒙巴依然影響很大,美國決策者決心“除掉”其本人,為此策劃并實(shí)施了投毒、槍擊等暗殺行動。同時,美國政府開始幫助卡薩武布-蒙博托建立一個合法的臨時過渡政府。最終,沖伯殺害盧蒙巴在大程度上解決了艾森豪威爾的心頭之患,但是剛果問題并未因此而得到根本上的解決。 第四章重點(diǎn)圍繞肯尼迪的剛果新政策及其重建剛果合法政府展開。肯尼迪在一定程度上克服了前任政府應(yīng)對剛果問題的應(yīng)急性與隨意性,并根據(jù)亞非國家力量增強(qiáng)的新形勢,試圖通過民主方式解決剛果危機(jī)。為此,他制定出以建立基礎(chǔ)廣泛的政府為中心的剛果新政策。阿杜拉政府建立后,加丹加分裂勢力依然在西方盟國的支持下不肯妥協(xié)。肯尼迪則在打-談之間猶豫不決,延緩了解決剛果分裂的進(jìn)程。哈馬舍爾德之死促使美國對加丹加的態(tài)度逐漸強(qiáng)硬,迫使沖伯與阿杜拉簽訂了形式上結(jié)束分裂的基托納協(xié)定。 第五章主要探討肯尼迪政府結(jié)束加丹加分裂的努力�？夏岬鲜紫戎С职⒍爬痘澕�,徹底消除了斯坦利維爾的威脅。但是,在加丹加問題上,肯尼迪依然遷就西方盟國,繼續(xù)主張通過政治和談解決。至1962年中期,美國政府提出本質(zhì)上仍以和解為主,避免使用武力而采取嚴(yán)厲經(jīng)濟(jì)制裁的“吳丹計劃”。沖伯并未真正接受,致使該計劃無果而終。隨后,肯尼迪決定支持聯(lián)合國加大對加丹加軍事打擊的力度,但仍以促使沖伯和談為限度。最終,聯(lián)合國部隊(duì)自行以武力迅速解決了加丹加分裂,也使得肯尼迪政府兩年來的和談?wù)邚氐灼飘a(chǎn)。
[Abstract]:The Congolese crisis (1960-1963) provides a new place of intersection and collision for the various levels of international power in the cold war. The Government of the United States, taking into account the Congolese question, mainly from the global cold-war perspective, is the basis for all its foreign policies to curb the expansion of communism. However, the Western European allies, as a traditional colonial country, viewed the Congolese crisis mainly from the colonial interests and the regional interests and opposed the excessive interference of the United States. The emerging Asian-African emerging world supports the claim of the Congolese nationalism and has made its efforts to become the third important force independent of the two camps on the international political stage. The unawakened nationalist forces of the Congo are concerned by the cold war and confrontation between the two camps, but the independence and territorial integrity of the country. The contradiction and conflict of the above-mentioned levels of power on the target is bound to make the United States government difficult to reconcile in decision-making, and can only swing it according to the priorities of the situation. This paper, based on the relevant research of the academic circles at home and abroad, is in the history of , the United States Government Decryption Document Reference System>, the National Security Council's Documents and the State Council's Decryption Documents. Based on the material basis, using the research method of historical materialism and taking due reference to the western international relations theory, the paper analyses the multiple plight of the American government in decision-making through the case of the Congo crisis, and shows the difference and overlap of the target between the forces in the cold war. Complexity. This paper is divided into three parts: order The preface mainly reviews the research status of the problem of the Congo crisis, and puts forward the meaning of the topic and the thinking of writing: the conclusion is a brief summary of the whole text, and summarizes the multiple dilemma of the American government in the decision-making of the Congo crisis. The meaning of the cold war. It is divided into five chapters. The first chapter introduces and analyzes the background, and focuses on the United States in the 1950s. As the cold war extended to the third world in the 1950s, the United States has gradually gone through the resources-based approach to its strategy, meaning, In this process, the government of the United States is gradually making The establishment of a relatively independent African policy, which, in the light of the cold-war strategy, had to take into account the interests of the colonial master, and that its African policy was still not able to escape. The European-based traditional model. Among them, the United States and the United States of America The relationship between the Congo is a typical example. In chapter II, the two-month period following the outbreak of the Congolese crisis, the United States The response of the Government of the Republic of the Congo to the crisis in the Congo and its response. The Congolese nationalism, led by the Prime Minister of Lubumba, is in a hurry to maintain the country. The sovereignty and independence of the family and the support of the super-Power. The Eisenhower Administration's policy has experienced the initial emphasis on Belgium's responsibility for the Congo, to support the United Nations in the Congo and to try to prevent the Soviet Union from "unk>" Korea st. Lyle " The evolution of the intervention. The U.S. government forces its allies to make some concessions on the one hand and the other on the other. The co-operation has played a leading role in the Congo, however, Mr. Lumumba is trying to solve the Katanga problem by force on the basis of Soviet assistance The third chapter examines and analyzes the U.S. involvement in the overthrow of the United States. The Government of the Lubumba, and even his own decision and action, said that the Eisenhower Administration, at the expense of the principles of democracy, supported the release of the Prime Minister of the Congolese President, Kassamoub, from the post of Prime Minister Lumonba. The subsequent support of the Mobutu's coup was a complete denial of his power, and the decision of the United States policy-maker to "get rid of" himself as a result of the fact that the house under house arrest continued to be of great impact. In the meantime, the U. S. government has started to help Casa. Wucb-Mobutu set up a legitimate interim transitional government, and, in the end, the extent to which the Burber killed Mr. Lumumba in the heart of Eisenhower's heart, But the problem of the Congo has not been resolved at all. Chapter IV focuses on The new policy of the Congo around Kennedy and its reconstruction of the legitimate Government of the Congo, which, to a certain extent, overcome the acute and arbitrary nature of the former Government's response to the Congo, and on the basis of the Asian-African countries The new situation in which the strength has been enhanced is an attempt to resolve the Congolese crisis in a democratic way. To that end, He developed a new, broad-based, government-focused Congolese policy. After the establishment of the Adua government, Katanga's separatist forces still won't compromise with the support of the Western allies. The decision to delay the process of the settlement of the Congo's split, which has prompted the United States to have a strong, hard-to-do attitude towards Katanga, has been indecisive in the fight-to-talk. A base-to-base agreement in the form of an end to the division in the form of Burber and Adua. Chapter V focuses on the efforts of the Kennedy administration to put an end to Katanga's division. Dadi first supported Ardua's arrest and the total elimination of the threat from Stanley ville. But, in Katanga, In that middle of 1962, the U. S. government put forward its essence on reconciliation, to avoid the use of force and to adopt a severe economy. Sanctions[unk> "Wu Dan's pla N ". The Burger is not really accepted, making the plan fruitless. Then, Kennedy decided to support the joint venture. The state has stepped up its military strike against Katanga, but it is still trying to limit the peace talks. Eventually, the United Nations forces will resolve it quickly by force
【學(xué)位授予單位】：華東師范大學(xué)
【學(xué)位級別】：博士
【學(xué)位授予年份】：2009
【分類號】：K712;K464

【引證文獻(xiàn)】

相關(guān)期刊論文 前1條

1 龍向陽;鄭建成;;亨廷頓的政治發(fā)展研究與美國對非洲政策[J];國際論壇;2011年06期

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本文編號：2495972

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