大屠殺記憶和美國外交
發(fā)布時間：2019-03-19 16:06
【摘要】：基于記憶的觀念和情感,影響相關群體界定自身身份和利益,塑造社會政治行為的意愿,并為社會政治運動提供意義架構和動員的工具。因此,集體記憶在政治中存在戰(zhàn)略性價值。在全球化和民主化的時代,集體記憶以話語政治的形式廣泛滲入軟權力的爭奪之中。政治家和活動家也經常對集體記憶加以利用甚至濫用,以推進其自身的社會政治議程。 20世紀60年代開始在美國興起的大屠殺記憶,以一種“憶惡(納粹主義)頌善(美國信條)”的方式,成為宣揚美國優(yōu)越論的重要工具,也成為美國猶太人以及更廣泛的美國社會塑造和表達美國認同的重要途徑。一方面,它塑造了一種關于猶太民族遭受“史無前例的”獨特劫難的霸權性話語,并賦予其歷史上最大受難者的角色。此種歷史受難感,使美國猶太人的猶太民族認同極大增強,并形成一種以群體生存為內核的“公民猶太教”。另一方面,它界定了美國不同群體在大屠殺中的歷史責任和權利：基督教因其歷史上的“輕蔑教導”以及現(xiàn)實中大量基督徒在大屠殺中的協(xié)從,而須部分承擔大屠殺的連帶罪責；美國政府在猶太人遭受劫難時冷漠旁觀,因此成為道義上須受譴責的“冷漠旁觀者”。 大屠殺及其留下的記憶,從根本上改變了猶太人和基督徒之間道義資本的分配,以及互動交往的方式。美國主流社會對猶太人充滿愧疚和同情,決心與過去決裂而改過自新,他們對猶太人已經多少喪失了道義批判的勇氣,而且在很大程度上產生了補償意愿。而力量已經變得強大的猶太人,則因為悲情記憶而充滿恐懼,憤懣不平,并要求為歷史上的冤屈獲得補償,而且時刻準備對來自任何地方的危險做出非常強烈且決絕的反應。由此,大屠殺記憶在美國造就了一個強大、內聚、富有戰(zhàn)斗精神的親以色列政治勢力,而且還獲得了許多基督徒的同情和支持。另外,大屠殺記憶還為親以勢力提供了意義架構和動員的象征及工具,提供了用以壓制對以批判的強大輿論武器：“反猶主義”標簽。 大屠殺記憶,還因其善惡分明的特性,成為推動20世紀末期以來美國積極卷入人權外交,尤其反對“種族滅絕”的意義架構和動員工具。從90年代“人道主義干預”理念和實踐的不斷發(fā)展,再到21世紀初反種族滅絕倡議網絡和草根運動在美國的初步形成,大屠殺記憶成為美國重新改造世界秩序和國際規(guī)范以實現(xiàn)“美國治下的和平”的重要動力之一。
[Abstract]:The concept and emotion based on memory influence the relevant groups to define their own identity and interests, to shape the will of social and political behavior, and to provide a meaningful framework and mobilization tools for social and political movements. Therefore, collective memory has strategic value in politics. In the era of globalization and democratization, collective memory has infiltrated into the struggle for soft power in the form of discourse politics. Politicians and activists often exploit and even abuse collective memory to advance their own socio-political agenda. Holocaust memory, which began to rise in the United States in the 1960s, became an important tool for promoting American superiority in the form of "recollection of evil (Nazism) and praise of goodness (American creed)". It has also become an important way for American Jews and the wider American society to shape and express American identity. On the one hand, it shaped a hegemonic discourse about the Jewish nation's "unprecedented" unique sufferings and gave it the role of the biggest victim in its history. This sense of historical hardship greatly strengthened the Jewish national identity of American Jews, and formed a kind of "citizen Judaism" with the core of group survival. On the other hand, it defines the historical responsibilities and rights of different groups in the United States in the Holocaust: Christianity because of its historical "scornful teachings" and the large number of Christians in reality who conspired in the Holocaust. It must partly bear the joint and several culpability of the Holocaust; The United States government has become a morally reprehensible "cold bystander" as it stood aloof in the face of the Jewish catastrophe. The Holocaust and its memories fundamentally changed the distribution of moral capital between Jews and Christians and the way in which they interacted. The mainstream American society is full of guilt and sympathy towards Jews, determined to break with the past, they have lost some courage of moral criticism against Jews, and to a large extent have produced the will to compensate. The Jews, who have become powerful, are filled with fear, resentment, and demand for compensation for historical grievances, and are prepared to respond very strongly and decisively to the dangers that come from anywhere. As a result, Holocaust memory created a powerful, cohesive, combat-minded pro-Israeli political force in the United States, as well as the sympathy and support of many Christians. In addition, Holocaust memory provides a symbol and tool of meaning structure and mobilization for pro-Israeli forces, as well as a powerful weapon of public opinion to suppress criticism: "anti-Semitism" label. Holocaust memory, because of its distinct nature of good and evil, has also become a meaningful framework and mobilization tool for the United States to actively engage in human rights diplomacy since the end of the 20th century, especially against "genocide". From the continuous development of the concept and practice of "humanitarian intervention" in the 1990s to the initial formation of the anti-genocide initiative network and grass-roots movement in the United States at the beginning of the 21st century, Holocaust memory has become one of the important driving forces for the United States to reinvent the world order and international norms to achieve "peace under American rule".
【學位授予單位】：復旦大學
【學位級別】：博士
【學位授予年份】：2011
【分類號】：K712.5
本文編號：2443675
[Abstract]:The concept and emotion based on memory influence the relevant groups to define their own identity and interests, to shape the will of social and political behavior, and to provide a meaningful framework and mobilization tools for social and political movements. Therefore, collective memory has strategic value in politics. In the era of globalization and democratization, collective memory has infiltrated into the struggle for soft power in the form of discourse politics. Politicians and activists often exploit and even abuse collective memory to advance their own socio-political agenda. Holocaust memory, which began to rise in the United States in the 1960s, became an important tool for promoting American superiority in the form of "recollection of evil (Nazism) and praise of goodness (American creed)". It has also become an important way for American Jews and the wider American society to shape and express American identity. On the one hand, it shaped a hegemonic discourse about the Jewish nation's "unprecedented" unique sufferings and gave it the role of the biggest victim in its history. This sense of historical hardship greatly strengthened the Jewish national identity of American Jews, and formed a kind of "citizen Judaism" with the core of group survival. On the other hand, it defines the historical responsibilities and rights of different groups in the United States in the Holocaust: Christianity because of its historical "scornful teachings" and the large number of Christians in reality who conspired in the Holocaust. It must partly bear the joint and several culpability of the Holocaust; The United States government has become a morally reprehensible "cold bystander" as it stood aloof in the face of the Jewish catastrophe. The Holocaust and its memories fundamentally changed the distribution of moral capital between Jews and Christians and the way in which they interacted. The mainstream American society is full of guilt and sympathy towards Jews, determined to break with the past, they have lost some courage of moral criticism against Jews, and to a large extent have produced the will to compensate. The Jews, who have become powerful, are filled with fear, resentment, and demand for compensation for historical grievances, and are prepared to respond very strongly and decisively to the dangers that come from anywhere. As a result, Holocaust memory created a powerful, cohesive, combat-minded pro-Israeli political force in the United States, as well as the sympathy and support of many Christians. In addition, Holocaust memory provides a symbol and tool of meaning structure and mobilization for pro-Israeli forces, as well as a powerful weapon of public opinion to suppress criticism: "anti-Semitism" label. Holocaust memory, because of its distinct nature of good and evil, has also become a meaningful framework and mobilization tool for the United States to actively engage in human rights diplomacy since the end of the 20th century, especially against "genocide". From the continuous development of the concept and practice of "humanitarian intervention" in the 1990s to the initial formation of the anti-genocide initiative network and grass-roots movement in the United States at the beginning of the 21st century, Holocaust memory has become one of the important driving forces for the United States to reinvent the world order and international norms to achieve "peace under American rule".
【學位授予單位】：復旦大學
【學位級別】：博士
【學位授予年份】：2011
【分類號】：K712.5
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