【摘要】：約翰遜(Lyndon B．Johnson)時(shí)期的美國對華政策，盡管從表面上來看并未發(fā)生突變，其基調(diào)仍然承襲了自1949年中國人民共和國成立之后美國政府便開始推行的遏制和封鎖政策，但在政策動(dòng)因的層面，，約翰遜政府的對華政策卻前承肯尼迪(John F．Kennedy)的“微開門”政策，后啟尼克松(Richard M．Nixon)打開與中國交往大門的重大決策，發(fā)生了頗具深意的一系列改變。60年代中后期，在美國國內(nèi)外形勢的推動(dòng)下，傳統(tǒng)的對華遏制政策越來越受到來自于各方的質(zhì)疑和批評(píng)，要求改變對華政策的意見逐漸成為美國輿論界的主流。在約翰遜政府的議事日程中，重新審視對華政策的主張也越來越受到?jīng)Q策者的重視。1966年，“遏制但不孤立”政策的提出，突出反映了美國試圖改變對華政策的努力。 所有這一切不可避免地會(huì)在有關(guān)對華政策的辯論中表現(xiàn)出來。在對華政策的制訂與實(shí)施過程中，美國決策者以及試圖對決策進(jìn)程發(fā)生影響的輿論界人士都不可避免地要回答一個(gè)關(guān)鍵性問題：如何處理與臺(tái)灣及所謂“中華民國”的關(guān)系?此時(shí)的臺(tái)灣是美國在印度支那軍事作戰(zhàn)的重要后勤基地，同時(shí)華盛頓與臺(tái)北之間也在意識(shí)形態(tài)上存在著依附關(guān)系。美國各方人士堅(jiān)持認(rèn)為，美國對臺(tái)灣防御的安全承諾是冷戰(zhàn)時(shí)期美國全球戰(zhàn)略網(wǎng)絡(luò)的一個(gè)重要組成部分。另一方面，美國約翰遜政府與蔣介石政權(quán)存在諸多分歧和矛盾，美國極力遏制臺(tái)灣這一“麻煩制造者”的種種“冒險(xiǎn)”之舉，避免與中國大陸發(fā)生直接對抗，約翰遜時(shí)期的美臺(tái)關(guān)系是復(fù)雜而微妙的。 在上述背景下，美國越來越傾向于不再承認(rèn)臺(tái)灣是“代表全中國的唯一合法政府”。雖然在國際上仍然支持臺(tái)灣，但是策略性的“兩個(gè)中國”政策已經(jīng)漸趨明朗化；在法國承認(rèn)中華人民共和國和中國爆炸第一顆原子彈的影響下，臺(tái)灣的國際地位實(shí)際上已經(jīng)“今非昔比”；美國從自身在亞太地區(qū)的戰(zhàn)略利益考慮出發(fā)，面對蔣介石“反攻大陸”和開辟“第二戰(zhàn)場”以配合越戰(zhàn)的建議，美國政府堅(jiān)決地予以回絕；美國對蔣介石“賴以立國”的“光復(fù)大陸”政策態(tài)度逐漸明朗化，從含混到清晰的轉(zhuǎn)變說明美臺(tái)在此問題上存在原則性的分歧；對臺(tái)經(jīng)濟(jì)援助的取消和軍事援助的大幅度削減，一方面說明臺(tái)灣“經(jīng)濟(jì)有成”，完成了經(jīng)濟(jì)騰飛前的初步準(zhǔn)備，另一方面表明，美國在扶植臺(tái)灣方面不再是不遺余力了。 本論文通過對相關(guān)歷史資料的研究與梳理，利用大量美國原始解密檔案，對約翰遜政府時(shí)期的美國對臺(tái)政策進(jìn)行綜合研究與論證。在美臺(tái)外交、遏制蔣介石反攻大陸、美國對臺(tái)援助政策變化等幾個(gè)個(gè)案的基礎(chǔ)上，分析約翰遜時(shí)期美國對臺(tái)政策的總體演變趨勢，并對這一時(shí)期美國對華政策的總體演變做出考證與評(píng)價(jià)。
[Abstract]:Although there was no apparent abrupt change in the US policy towards China during the Lyndon B.Johnson period, the tone of the policy was still inherited from the containment and blockade policy that the US government began to implement after the founding of the people's Republic of China in 1949. At the level of policy motivation, however, Johnson administration's China policy was followed by John F.Kennedy 's "micro-door" policy, which later opened the door of Richard M.Nixon 's decision to engage with China. A series of profound changes took place in the middle and late 1960s. Driven by the situation at home and abroad in the United States, the traditional containment policy towards China was increasingly questioned and criticized by all sides. Calls for a change in China policy have gradually become the mainstream of American public opinion. In the Johnson administration's agenda, the idea of reconsidering the China policy has also been paid more and more attention by policy makers. In 1966, the policy of "containment but not isolation" was put forward, which highlighted the efforts of the United States to change its China policy. All this will inevitably be reflected in the debate on China policy. In the process of formulating and implementing policies towards China, American policy makers and public opinion circles who are trying to influence the decision-making process inevitably have to answer a key question: how to deal with the relationship with Taiwan and the so-called "Republic of China"? Taiwan was an important logistics base for U.S. military operations at Indochina, and there were ideological dependencies between Washington and Taipei. U.S. security commitments to Taiwan's defense are an important part of the U.S. global strategic network during the Cold War. On the other hand, the Johnson administration of the United States and the regime of Jiang Jieshi have many differences and contradictions. The United States has tried its best to contain all kinds of "adventures" of Taiwan, a "troublemaker," and to avoid direct confrontation with the Chinese mainland. Johnson's relationship with Taiwan was complex and delicate. Against this backdrop, the United States is increasingly inclined to stop recognizing Taiwan as the "sole legitimate government representing the whole of China." Although Taiwan is still supported internationally, the strategic policy of "two Chinas" has gradually become more and more clear; with France acknowledging the influence of the first atomic bomb by the people's Republic of China and China, In fact, Taiwan's international status has changed from what it used to be. In view of its own strategic interests in the Asia-Pacific region, the United States is faced with Jiang Jieshi's proposal to "counter attack the mainland" and open up a "second battlefield" to coordinate with the Vietnam War. The US government firmly rejected it, and its attitude toward Jiang Jieshi's policy of "restoring the mainland to the mainland on which China was founded" gradually became clear, and the change from ambiguity to clarity showed that there were differences of principle between the United States and Taiwan on this issue. The cancellation of economic aid to Taiwan and the substantial reduction of military aid on the one hand show that Taiwan's "economy is successful," and that it has completed the preliminary preparations before its economic take-off, on the other hand, shows that the United States is no longer sparing no effort in fostering Taiwan. Through the research and combing of relevant historical data, this paper makes a comprehensive study and demonstration of the American policy towards Taiwan during the Johnson Administration by using a large number of original declassified files. On the basis of several cases of US-Taiwan diplomacy, containing Jiang Jieshi's counter-attack on the mainland, and the change of US aid policy to Taiwan, this paper analyzes the overall evolution trend of US policy on Taiwan during the Johnson period. And to this period the overall evolution of the United States policy towards China to make textual research and evaluation.
【學(xué)位授予單位】：華東師范大學(xué)
【學(xué)位級(jí)別】：博士
【學(xué)位授予年份】：2006
【分類號(hào)】：K712.54

【引證文獻(xiàn)】

相關(guān)期刊論文 前1條

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