本文選題：體育史　切入點(diǎn)：法國(guó)登山俱樂(lè)部　出處：《山東大學(xué)》2017年碩士論文　論文類型：學(xué)位論文

【摘要】：登山運(yùn)動(dòng)始于啟蒙時(shí)代并非巧合,理性覺(jué)醒破除迷信面紗,喚起求知熱情,是探索高山地區(qū)的重要前提,登山運(yùn)動(dòng)也因此而與科學(xué)考察結(jié)緣。1874年法國(guó)登山俱樂(lè)部正式成立,俱樂(lè)部將自己定位為學(xué)會(huì),在登山運(yùn)動(dòng)中推崇科學(xué)考察的地位,使科學(xué)考察成為從事登山運(yùn)動(dòng)的最正當(dāng)理由,這一正當(dāng)性貫穿本文研究時(shí)段。文化資本的權(quán)威由此得以確立,有教養(yǎng)的中產(chǎn)階級(jí)在登山者中占據(jù)大多數(shù),他們中一些人憑借豐厚的文化、社會(huì)、經(jīng)濟(jì)等資本成為俱樂(lè)部領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人,掌握俱樂(lè)部刊物編輯出版的關(guān)鍵權(quán)力,并通過(guò)設(shè)定俱樂(lè)部工作和關(guān)懷內(nèi)容,對(duì)登山者施加認(rèn)知影響。登山運(yùn)動(dòng)的實(shí)際發(fā)展并非完全遵照科學(xué)考察方向,而是出現(xiàn)了一些偏離傾向,比如俱樂(lè)部將登山運(yùn)動(dòng)與審美趣味、愛(ài)國(guó)情懷、培育道德等內(nèi)容相聯(lián)系,甚至關(guān)心環(huán)境整治。這些傾向與登山者群體的構(gòu)成相對(duì)應(yīng),體現(xiàn)了有教養(yǎng)的中產(chǎn)階級(jí)的志趣,看似偏離登山運(yùn)動(dòng),實(shí)質(zhì)上卻強(qiáng)化了文化、社會(huì)、經(jīng)濟(jì)資本在登山者空間中的權(quán)威,形成對(duì)登山者空間現(xiàn)有支配邏輯的肯定,確認(rèn)和加強(qiáng)了俱樂(lè)部領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人支配地位的正當(dāng)性,因此并未引起爭(zhēng)議。俱樂(lè)部領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人憑借對(duì)群山的熟悉,儼然成為山間權(quán)威,不僅掌握著山間向?qū)�、住宿等資源,甚至獲得政府認(rèn)同組建山區(qū)軍隊(duì)、掌管軍事滑雪學(xué)校和國(guó)際滑雪賽事管理權(quán)等,這些權(quán)力源自對(duì)登山者空間中符號(hào)資本的占有,根本上卻是源自登山者空間之外的文化、社會(huì)、經(jīng)濟(jì)資本。但是偏向體育運(yùn)動(dòng)卻完全不同。19世紀(jì)末,體育運(yùn)動(dòng)在法國(guó)興起,引起俱樂(lè)部的一些變化和強(qiáng)烈反應(yīng),1904年俱樂(lè)部改版刊物,科學(xué)相關(guān)內(nèi)容的比例大幅度下降,登山者對(duì)登山運(yùn)動(dòng)的認(rèn)知分裂趨于明顯。法國(guó)學(xué)者瓦比安借鑒文化史和社會(huì)學(xué)方法,圍繞對(duì)登山運(yùn)動(dòng)的定義之爭(zhēng),詳述了登山者之間的爭(zhēng)議內(nèi)容及支配關(guān)系,他將法國(guó)登山者劃歸為文化精英、體育精英、家庭登山(支持大眾化)三類,并認(rèn)為文化精英居于支配地位。這一劃分的準(zhǔn)確性值得商榷,而且瓦比安也未能揭示導(dǎo)致?tīng)?zhēng)議的深層原因:登山者空間中以占據(jù)符號(hào)資本和符號(hào)權(quán)力最為關(guān)鍵,以攀巖者小組為代表的一些登山者,日益崇尚優(yōu)異登山能力的權(quán)威,實(shí)質(zhì)上確立起認(rèn)可身體資本作為符號(hào)資本的新邏輯,這消解著文化、社會(huì)、經(jīng)濟(jì)資本的原有地位,顛覆了登山者空間的原有支配邏輯,對(duì)居支配地位的登山者而言,其正當(dāng)性岌岌可危,這是登山者之間主要爭(zhēng)議的由來(lái)。至1919年高山小組建立,俱樂(lè)部?jī)?nèi)正式形成崇尚體育原則的團(tuán)體,可以視作嚴(yán)格意義上現(xiàn)代登山運(yùn)動(dòng)在法國(guó)的起點(diǎn)。
[Abstract]:It is no coincidence that the mountaineering began in the Enlightenment period. The rational awakening to break down the veil of superstition and arouse enthusiasm for knowledge is an important prerequisite for the exploration of the high mountains, and the mountaineering movement is therefore bound up with scientific investigation. In 1874, the French mountaineering Club was formally established. The club regards itself as a society, and advocates the status of scientific investigation in the mountaineering movement, making scientific investigation the most legitimate reason for engaging in mountaineering. This legitimacy runs through the research period of this paper, and the authority of cultural capital is thus established. The educated middle class is the majority of climbers, some of whom, with their rich cultural, social, economic and other capital, become club leaders, wielding the key power of editing and publishing club publications. By setting up the contents of club work and care, it exerts cognitive influence on climbers. The actual development of mountaineering does not completely follow the direction of scientific investigation, but shows some deviations, such as the club puts mountaineering and aesthetic taste. Patriotic feelings, cultivation of morality, etc., and even concern for environmental remediation. These tendencies correspond to the composition of the group of climbers, which reflect the interests of the educated middle class and seem to deviate from the mountaineering movement, but actually strengthen the culture. The authority of social and economic capital in climbers' space forms the affirmation of the existing dominating logic of climbers' space, which confirms and strengthens the legitimacy of the dominant position of club leaders. The club leaders, with their familiarity with the mountains, have become an authority in the mountains. They not only hold the mountain guides, accommodation and other resources, but they even get the approval of the government to set up a mountain army. In charge of military ski schools and the management of international skiing events, these powers derive from the possession of symbolic capital in climbers' space, but fundamentally from cultures and societies outside the climbers' space. Economic capital. But the preference for sports is completely different. At the end of the 19th century, sports sprang up in France, which caused some changes and strong reactions of clubs. In 1904, the club revised its publications, and the proportion of science-related contents dropped dramatically. The cognitive division of mountain climbers tends to be obvious. According to the cultural history and sociological methods, the French scholar Vabian elaborated the contents of the dispute and the dominating relationship between the climbers around the dispute over the definition of mountaineering. He classified French climbers as cultural elite, sports elite, family mountaineering (supporting popularity), and considered the cultural elite to be dominant. The accuracy of this division is open to question. And Wabian failed to reveal the underlying causes of the controversy: the climbers' space was dominated by symbolic capital and symbolic power, and some climbers, represented by rock climbers' groups, increasingly embraced the authority of excellence in mountaineering. In essence, a new logic of recognizing body capital as symbolic capital has been established, which dispels the original status of cultural, social and economic capital, and subverts the original dominating logic of climbers' space. Its legitimacy is at stake, which is the origin of the main dispute among climbers. By 1919, when the mountain group was established, the club formally formed a group advocating sports principles, which can be regarded as the starting point of modern mountaineering in France strictly.
【學(xué)位授予單位】：山東大學(xué)
【學(xué)位級(jí)別】：碩士
【學(xué)位授予年份】：2017
【分類號(hào)】：K565.4

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