本文關(guān)鍵詞：戰(zhàn)略地區(qū)主義與東亞地區(qū)戰(zhàn)略安排背后的政治因素：新型大國(guó)政治中的經(jīng)濟(jì)—政治關(guān)系

  更多相關(guān)文章： 硬制度 制度政治 新型大國(guó)政治(NTGPP) 現(xiàn)實(shí)制度主義 軟制度 戰(zhàn)略制度主義 戰(zhàn)略地區(qū)主義

【摘要】：本論文的關(guān)鍵目標(biāo)是考察東亞地區(qū)新型大國(guó)政治(NTGPP)的演變發(fā)展。這種新型大國(guó)政治主要體現(xiàn)為戰(zhàn)略地區(qū)主義與制度政治的發(fā)展。東亞地區(qū)各類自由貿(mào)易架構(gòu)的政治性與安全性目的凸顯,意在達(dá)成不同大國(guó)的地緣戰(zhàn)略與地緣政治目的／動(dòng)機(jī),戰(zhàn)略地區(qū)主義就是在這種趨勢(shì)下產(chǎn)生的。而東亞地區(qū)制度政治具體表現(xiàn)為如下兩方面：(1)制度內(nèi)或“微觀制度政治”層次(2)制度間或“宏觀制度政治”層次。本文中涉及的制度概念分為(a)“軟”制度或(b)“硬”制度。軟制度包括地區(qū)的與多邊的自由貿(mào)易協(xié)議、國(guó)際機(jī)制、國(guó)際論壇與特設(shè)工作組；硬制度包含國(guó)際金融機(jī)構(gòu)與高制度化程度和(或)以地區(qū)一體化為目標(biāo)的正式國(guó)際組織。各類制度與制度政治都強(qiáng)調(diào)了國(guó)際關(guān)系中,尤其是大國(guó)戰(zhàn)略與地緣政治競(jìng)爭(zhēng)背景下政治與經(jīng)濟(jì)密不可分的聯(lián)系。此外,目前致命性軍事武器系統(tǒng)技術(shù)水平不斷取得進(jìn)步,使其不僅成為威懾和限制戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的有效手段,同時(shí)也成為了一種“牽制性力量”,使戰(zhàn)略競(jìng)爭(zhēng)擴(kuò)展到國(guó)際政治的其他領(lǐng)域。因此,可以說(shuō)除了天空、陸地、海洋、太空、網(wǎng)絡(luò)空間這五個(gè)維度外,“制度空間”逐漸成為戰(zhàn)略競(jìng)爭(zhēng)的“第六維度”。本文將展開以下研究：(1)以“現(xiàn)實(shí)制度主義”作為本研究的整體理論框架；(2)東盟(ASEAN)作為東亞不可或缺的行為體在東亞地區(qū)事務(wù)與制度結(jié)構(gòu)中的戰(zhàn)略作用；(3)中國(guó)崛起以及中國(guó)主導(dǎo)的東亞制度的戰(zhàn)略動(dòng)因；(4)美國(guó)亞洲再平衡戰(zhàn)略(R2A)與美國(guó)主導(dǎo)的東亞制度的戰(zhàn)略原理；(5)東亞制度政治中的地緣經(jīng)濟(jì)、地緣政治與地緣戰(zhàn)略。最后本文通過(guò)厘清在哪些領(lǐng)域和制度中新興大國(guó)政治得到最多體現(xiàn)并得出結(jié)論,然后對(duì)東亞地區(qū)一體化的軌道和制度結(jié)構(gòu)做出政治展望。
【關(guān)鍵詞】：硬制度 制度政治 新型大國(guó)政治(NTGPP) 現(xiàn)實(shí)制度主義 軟制度 戰(zhàn)略制度主義 戰(zhàn)略地區(qū)主義
【學(xué)位授予單位】：山東大學(xué)
【學(xué)位級(jí)別】：博士
【學(xué)位授予年份】：2016
【分類號(hào)】：D831
【目錄】：

• 摘要8-9
• ABSTRACT9-15
• Ⅰ. CHAPTER 1:INTRODUCTION15-37
• 1.1 Significance of the Research15-20
• 1.1.1 The Porosity of Power and Systemic Evolution15-16
• 1.1.2 The Post-War Eras and European Model of Integration16-19
• 1.1.3 American Dominance and Nationalism19-20
• 1.2 Literature Review20-33
• 1.2.1 The Changing Global Balance of Power20-22
• 1.2.2 The Decline of the West and Rise of the East?22-24
• 1.2.3 East Asia and the Development of Asian Regionalism24-27
• 1.2.4 Power Politics in East Asia27-30
• 1.2.5 United States-China Relations30-33
• 1.3 Research Strategy and Design33-37
• 1.3.1 Research Hypotheses and Variables34
• 1.3.2 Plan of the Paper (Scope and Delimitations of Study)34-37
• Ⅱ. CHAPTER 2:INTEGRATED THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK (REALISTINSTITUTIONALISM)37-70
• 2.1 The Realist School of Thought and the Centrality of Power37-43
• 2.2 The Liberal School of Thought and Materiality of Institutions43-45
• 2.3 The Nexus Between Politics (Security) and Economics45-50
• 2.4 Realist Institutionalism:Institutional Discord Under Anarchy50-56
• 2.4.1 The False Promise of Idealist Rhetoric54-55
• 2.4.2 Key Assumptions of Realist Institutionalism55-56
• 2.5 Definition of Terms and Conceptual Framework56-59
• 2.5.1 Regionalism56-58
• 2.5.2 Strategic Theory58
• 2.5.3 Strategic Regionalism and Strategic Institutionalism58-59
• 2.6 Neo-Institutional Types and Institutional Dynamics59-60
• 2.7 Institutional Politics60-65
• 2.7.1 Intra-Institutional Politics61-62
• 2.7.2 Inter-Institutional Politics62-65
• 2.8 The New Type of Great Power Politics/ "Neopolitik"65-70
• Ⅲ. CHAPTER 3:THE STRATEGIC ROLE OF ASEAN IN EAST ASIANREGIONAL INTEGRATION AND INSTITUTIONAL ARCHITECTURE70-98
• 3.1 East Asian Region and Institutional Evolution70-75
• 3.1.1 East Asian Context70-72
• 3.1.2 East Asian Institutional Evolution72-75
• 3.2 The Prospects and Latent Power of ASEAN75-84
• 3.2.1 The Primordial Functions of ASEAN78-80
• 3.2.2 The ASEAN Way and Institutional Dynamics of ASEAN80-82
• 3.2.3 Institutional Challenges of ASEAN82-84
• 3.3 ASEAN Soft Institutions84-92
• 3.3.1 ASEAN Defense Ministerial Meeting (ADMM)84-85
• 3.3.2 ADMM-Plus (ADMM+)85-86
• 3.3.3 ASEAN Plus Three (APT)86-87
• 3.3.4 ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF)87-89
• 3.3.5 East Asia Summit (EAS)89-90
• 3.3.6 Regional Comprehensive and Economic Partnership (RCEP)90-92
• 3.4 ASEAN's Regional Engagement and Institutional-Building Strategies92-98
• Ⅳ. CHAPTER 4:CHINA'S RISE AND THE STRATEGIC RATIONALE OFCHINESE-LED INSTITUTIONS IN EAST ASIA98-127
• 4.1 China's Rise and Contemporary Status98-101
• 4.2 China's Vision and Ambitions101-103
• 4.3 China's Foreign Policy Philosophy and Strategy103-115
• 4.3.1 China's Diplomatic and Regional Engagement Strategy106-113
• 4.3.2 China's Institutional Strategy113-115
• 4.4 China's Soft Institutions115-124
• 4.4.1 One Belt One Road (OBOR) Initiative115-120
• 4.4.2 Free Trade Area of Asia and the Pacific (FTAAP)120-121
• 4.4.3 Conference on Interaction and Confidence Building Measures in Asia (CICA)121-122
• 4.4.4 Xiangshan Forum122-123
• 4.4.5 Boao Forum for Asia (BFA)123-124
• 4.5 China's Hard Institution (AIIB)124-127
• Ⅴ. CHAPTER 5:THE U.S. REBALANCE TO ASIA AND THE STRATEGICTHEORY OF U.S.-LED INSTITUTIONS IN EAST ASIA127-157
• 5.1 U.S. Global Preeminence and Dominance127-129
• 5.2 US Foreign Policy Strategy and Philosophy129-131
• 5.3 The US Rebalance/Pivot (R2A/P2A) to Asia131-136
• 5.4 American Soft Institutions136-154
• 5.4.1 The US Alliance Institution (USAI)136-148
• Formal US Allies138-142
• Security Partners142-143
• Trilaterals143-144
• Informal Trilaterals144-145
• Centrality of Interests145-146
• Importance of the South China Sea146-148
• 5.4.2 The Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP)148-154
• 5.5 American-Japanese Hard Institution (Asian Development Bank)154-157
• Ⅵ. CHAPTER 6:THE GEOECONOMICS, GEOPOLITICS, AND GEOSTRATEGYOF INSTITUTIONAL POLITICS IN EAST ASIA157-193
• 6.1 Great Power Strategic Competition157-167
• 6.1.2 US-China Strategic Competition162-166
• 6.1.3 China-Japan Strategic Competition166-167
• 6.2 ASEAN in the New Type of Great Power Politics167-170
• 6.3 Soft Intra-Institutional Politics170-175
• 6.3.1 ASEAN Ministerial Meeting (AMM)170-171
• 6.3.2 ADMM-Plus (ADMM+)171-172
• 6.3.3 APEC172-173
• 6.3.4 ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF)173-174
• 6.3.5 East Asia Summit (EAS)174-175
• 6.4 Hard Intra-Institutional Politics (ASEAN)175-176
• 6.5 Soft Inter-Institutional Politics176-188
• 6.5.1 US Alliance Institution (USAI) vs. China's OBOR176-178
• 6.5.2 Northeast Asian Trilaterals178
• 6.5.3 TPP vs. FTAAP/RCEP178-185
• 6.5.4 SLD vs. CICA/Xiangshan Forum vs. ADMM+/ARF185-188
• 6.6 Hard Inter-Institutional Politics (AIIB vs. ADB)188-193
• Ⅶ. CHAPTER 7:CONCLUSION/FINDINGS193-212
• 7.1 Analytical Synopsis194-201
• 7.2 New Type of Great Power Politics in East Asia201-207
• 7.3 Affirmation of Realist Institutionalism207-209
• 7.4 Political Forecast209-212
• 7.4.1 Regional Integration209-210
• 7.4.2 Regional Institutional Architecture210-212
• Ⅸ. APPENDICES212-218
• Figure 1. China's Silk Road Push212-213
• Figure 2. The Six Economic Corridors of the Belt and Road213
• Figure 3. China's Import Transit Routes and Maritime Chokepoints213-214
• Figure 4. Trade Routes and Straits214
• Figure 5. South China Sea LNG Flows214-215
• Figure 6. Trade Flows in Asia215
• Figure 7. TPP and RCEP membership215-216
• Figure 8. Asian Military Budgets216
• Figure 9. Asian Military Personnel in Asia216-217
• Figure 10. US Military Personnel in East Asia217
• Figure 11. Trade and Resource in the Indian Ocean217-218
• Ⅹ. REFERENCES218-242
• Ⅺ. ACKNOWLEDGEMENT242-244
• 學(xué)位論文評(píng)閱及答辯情況表244

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本文編號(hào)：954131