本文選題：后阿拉法特時(shí)代 + 巴以和談�。� 參考：《華東師范大學(xué)》2012年碩士論文

【摘要】：關(guān)于中東和平進(jìn)程的研究是歷史上影響最深遠(yuǎn)、涉及面最廣以及矛盾最為尖銳復(fù)雜的地區(qū)外交課題,其中的核心問(wèn)題是巴勒斯坦和以色列之間的矛盾與和解。本文旨在對(duì)阿拉法特逝世以后,七年以來(lái)(2004年11月——2011年11月)的巴以和談作一宏觀和總體性的考察,考察的方法是宏觀和微觀、歷史和現(xiàn)實(shí)相結(jié)合,但側(cè)重于宏觀、總體和現(xiàn)實(shí)的把握,以期回答兩個(gè)問(wèn)題：后阿拉法特時(shí)代的巴以和談進(jìn)展如何?是那些因素影響和制約著巴以和談的進(jìn)展? 沖突與和平進(jìn)程首先是其自身因素的結(jié)果,其次才是外部因素的產(chǎn)物。阿拉法特逝世以后巴勒斯坦和以色列內(nèi)部政局都發(fā)生了非常大的變化,巴內(nèi)部激進(jìn)組織哈馬斯在2006年1月的巴立法委員會(huì)選舉中擊敗巴民族解放運(yùn)動(dòng)(法塔赫),贏得選舉勝利,哈馬斯一舉崛起,隨即巴內(nèi)部?jī)纱笈蓜e法塔赫與哈馬斯陷入內(nèi)訌,巴內(nèi)部無(wú)法形成一致的對(duì)以談判策略；以色列方面,以色列民意在兩場(chǎng)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)(2006年第二次黎巴嫩戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)和2008年以色列發(fā)動(dòng)對(duì)加沙的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng))以后日趨右轉(zhuǎn),右翼勢(shì)力又重新崛起,對(duì)巴談判立場(chǎng)強(qiáng)硬,不妥協(xié)；對(duì)巴以和談?dòng)绊懽畲蟮耐獠苛α棵绹?guó)在這一段時(shí)間里對(duì)巴以和平進(jìn)程相對(duì)超脫,巴以和平進(jìn)程在美國(guó)小布什政府的中東整體戰(zhàn)略中處于邊緣化的境地,被置于反對(duì)恐怖主義與大中東民主改造計(jì)劃這兩大范疇之內(nèi),未給予充分的重視。本文對(duì)后阿拉法特時(shí)代的巴以和談作了概述,重點(diǎn)分析了后阿拉法特時(shí)代巴勒斯坦和以色列內(nèi)部政局的變化以及有關(guān)國(guó)際四方(美國(guó)、聯(lián)合國(guó)、歐盟、俄羅斯),特別是美國(guó)對(duì)和談的影響。 全文一共分為四章,第一章全面概述了后阿拉法特時(shí)代的巴以和談,后面三章分別是從巴、以內(nèi)部以及外部因素分析了后阿拉法特時(shí)代巴以和談無(wú)實(shí)質(zhì)性進(jìn)展的原因。為了使行文邏輯連貫,第一章中的第一節(jié)用了少量的篇幅簡(jiǎn)述了阿拉法特時(shí)代的巴以和談,并對(duì)巴以和談的癥結(jié)做了較詳細(xì)的分析；第二、三章分別是從后阿拉法特時(shí)代巴以內(nèi)部政局的變化,包括巴勒斯坦激進(jìn)派別哈馬斯的崛起,以色列右翼勢(shì)力的崛起,來(lái)分析巴以和談無(wú)實(shí)質(zhì)性進(jìn)展的原因；第四章分析了外部勢(shì)力主要是有關(guān)國(guó)際四方對(duì)巴以和談產(chǎn)生的影響,其中重點(diǎn)分析了美國(guó)的因素；結(jié)語(yǔ)部分對(duì)后阿拉法特時(shí)代的巴以和談作了兩點(diǎn)理論探討并對(duì)巴以問(wèn)題的解決途徑進(jìn)行了思考。
[Abstract]:The research on the Middle East peace process is the most far-reaching, involving the most extensive and the most acute and complicated regional diplomacy subject in history, the core of which is the contradiction and reconciliation between Palestine and Israel. The purpose of this paper is to make a macro and overall inspection of the Palestinian-Israeli peace talks in the past seven years (November 2004-November 2011) after Arafat's death. The method of investigation is a combination of macro and micro, history and reality, but focusing on macro. Overall and realistic grasp, with a view to answering two questions: what is the progress of the Palestinian-Israeli peace talks in the post-Arafat era? What factors are affecting and constraining the progress of the Palestinian-Israeli peace talks? Conflict and peace processes are first the result of their own factors, and then of external factors. After Arafat's death, great changes have taken place in the internal political situation of both Palestine and Israel. Hamas, the Palestinian internal militant organization, defeated the Palestinian National Liberation Movement (Fatah) in the Palestinian Legislative Council elections in January 2006 and won the election victory. With the rise of Hamas, the two major factions inside Palestine, Fatah and Hamas, fell into infighting, and the Palestinians were unable to form a consistent strategy for negotiations with Israel; on the Israeli side, After the two wars (the second Lebanon war in 2006 and the war on Gaza launched by Israel in 2008), Israeli public opinion turned to the right day by day, and the right-wing forces rose again. The United States, the external force most influential in the Palestinian-Israeli peace talks, was relatively detached from the Palestinian-Israeli peace process during this period, and the Palestinian-Israeli peace process was marginalized in the overall strategy of the Bush administration in the Middle East. Not enough attention has been given to anti-terrorism and the Greater Middle East Democratic Reform Plan. This paper gives an overview of the Palestinian-Israeli peace talks in the post-Arafat era, focusing on the changes in the internal political situation of Palestine and Israel in the post-Arafat era and the relevant international Quartet (the United States, the United Nations, the European Union), Russia), especially the influence of the United States on the peace talks. The first chapter gives a comprehensive overview of the Palestinian-Israeli peace talks in the post-Arafat era. The last three chapters analyze the reasons for the lack of substantial progress in the post-Arafat era from the aspects of Palestine, internal and external factors. In order to make the logic of the passage coherent, the first section of the first chapter gives a brief account of the Palestinian-Israeli peace talks in Arafat's time, and makes a more detailed analysis of the crux of the Palestinian-Israeli peace talks. The three chapters analyze the reasons for the lack of substantial progress in the Palestinian-Israeli peace talks from the changes in the internal political situation of Palestine and Israel in the post-Arafat era, including the rise of the Palestinian radical faction Hamas and the rise of the right-wing forces in Israel. The fourth chapter analyzes the influence of the foreign forces on the Palestinian-Israeli peace talks, especially the American factors. The conclusion part makes two theoretical discussions on the Palestine-Israel peace talks in the post-Arafat era and thinks about the ways to solve the Palestine-Israel problem.
【學(xué)位授予單位】：華東師范大學(xué)
【學(xué)位級(jí)別】：碩士
【學(xué)位授予年份】：2012
【分類號(hào)】：D815.4

【參考文獻(xiàn)】

相關(guān)期刊論文 前1條

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