發(fā)布時(shí)間：2017-10-19 22:26

  本文關(guān)鍵詞：中美兩國(guó)的大戰(zhàn)略與中美關(guān)系之間的矛盾：和平與沖突的可能性

  更多相關(guān)文章： 中美關(guān)系 矛盾 中國(guó)夢(mèng) 美國(guó)的“亞太世紀(jì)” 國(guó)際關(guān)系理論

【摘要】：中美關(guān)系是一種無(wú)法用任何單一理論視角解釋的關(guān)系,而綜合運(yùn)用現(xiàn)實(shí)主義、自由主義和建構(gòu)主義的原理對(duì)其進(jìn)行解釋同樣也存在著無(wú)數(shù)的矛盾。本研究對(duì)中國(guó)和美國(guó)的特性、看待彼此的視角,以及兩國(guó)的總體戰(zhàn)略進(jìn)行分析并對(duì)中美關(guān)系的狀態(tài)提供一種綜合性的解釋。中美兩國(guó)將彼此既視為戰(zhàn)略對(duì)手又看作戰(zhàn)略伙伴,這些相互矛盾的看法是與兩國(guó)對(duì)世界的看法、對(duì)彼此的看法,以及對(duì)自己的看法相關(guān)聯(lián)的,而這些看法是由他們充滿矛盾的過往和現(xiàn)在的經(jīng)驗(yàn)所塑造的。雖然這兩大強(qiáng)國(guó)都向往和平而厭惡沖突,但他們的利益和處事方式則是相互沖突的。美國(guó)相信美國(guó)的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)是必要的,并應(yīng)無(wú)限期地保持美國(guó)的這種領(lǐng)導(dǎo)地位,美國(guó)對(duì)其特殊地位感到驕傲,感到受到中國(guó)修正主義的威脅,并恐懼衰落。中國(guó)則尋求構(gòu)建一個(gè)中國(guó)的影響范圍,崛起為一個(gè)亞洲的超群大國(guó),并將其國(guó)家實(shí)力恢復(fù)至歷史水平。中國(guó)受其大國(guó)雄心的驅(qū)使,并擔(dān)心當(dāng)今世界對(duì)于中國(guó)的參與來(lái)說是不安全和不適宜的,尤其是當(dāng)其面對(duì)美國(guó)實(shí)力在亞太地區(qū)的復(fù)興和始終存在的美國(guó)對(duì)其進(jìn)行遏制的可能性的時(shí)候。這些與恐懼和貪婪、安全和權(quán)力聯(lián)系在一起的動(dòng)機(jī)促使中美展開競(jìng)爭(zhēng)。中國(guó)以其中國(guó)夢(mèng)和與之相關(guān)的亞太夢(mèng),美國(guó)以其重返亞洲戰(zhàn)略和使本世紀(jì)成為美國(guó)的太平洋世紀(jì)的欲望,正爭(zhēng)相以犧牲對(duì)方為代價(jià)在亞洲追逐著權(quán)力。然而,盡管競(jìng)爭(zhēng)大為加劇,這兩個(gè)國(guó)家仍繼續(xù)開展經(jīng)常性合作以促進(jìn)一種能夠防止沖突的相互依存關(guān)系的發(fā)展,因?yàn)闆_突是兩國(guó)均不愿意看到的結(jié)果。中國(guó)構(gòu)建一個(gè)受保護(hù)的中國(guó)影響范圍的努力,既包含修正主義的元素又包含維持現(xiàn)狀的元素,并且是要開辟一條朝向更好地融入自由世界秩序的道路。美國(guó)正在執(zhí)行一種既包含遏制又包含接觸的接觸加遏制戰(zhàn)略,以消除修正主義,穩(wěn)定美國(guó)全球霸權(quán)之下的亞太地區(qū)形勢(shì),并允許美國(guó)將中國(guó)接納為一個(gè)有價(jià)值的合作伙伴。中美兩國(guó)都是相對(duì)和絕對(duì)所得的受益者,都試圖以犧牲對(duì)方為代價(jià)最大化他們的總體能力和綜合國(guó)力,同時(shí)都尋求合作和相互依存以維持穩(wěn)定和防止沖突。兩國(guó)都在修昔底德陷阱中越陷越深,同時(shí)又都堅(jiān)信對(duì)方終將在沖突發(fā)生前選擇撤退。贏家可想而知會(huì)在避免引發(fā)沖突的情況下將其所得最大化,而對(duì)于輸家來(lái)說,從相互依存中所獲得的收益將補(bǔ)償任何權(quán)力的損失,從而確保游戲結(jié)束時(shí),合作將會(huì)繼續(xù)且穩(wěn)定得以保持。這是一個(gè)高風(fēng)險(xiǎn)高回報(bào)且可能會(huì)導(dǎo)致沖突的零和游戲。幸運(yùn)的是,獨(dú)特的動(dòng)態(tài)關(guān)系以及合作和相互依存的存在給雙方在雙邊關(guān)系突破臨界點(diǎn)之前留了一扇門,以讓兩國(guó)改變路線并共同達(dá)成他們的目標(biāo)。兩國(guó)并未綁定在注定的路徑上,可以采取一些步驟以防止沖突,但如要防止沖突,這些步驟勢(shì)在必行。
【關(guān)鍵詞】：中美關(guān)系 矛盾 中國(guó)夢(mèng) 美國(guó)的“亞太世紀(jì)” 國(guó)際關(guān)系理論
【學(xué)位授予單位】：華中師范大學(xué)
【學(xué)位級(jí)別】：博士
【學(xué)位授予年份】：2016
【分類號(hào)】：D822.371.2
【目錄】：

• Abstract5-7
• 摘要7-11
• Section Ⅰ Introduction11-21
• 1.1 Purpose of This Research11-12
• 1.2 Significance of This Research12-13
• 1.3 Research Process and Methodology13-14
• 1.4 Research Framework14
• 1.5 Research Overview14-21
• Section Ⅱ Perspectives on China, the United States, and Sino-American Relations21-49
• 2.1 International Relations Theories21-26
• 2.2 Dominant Views26-44
• 2.2.1 Views on the Rise of China26-38
• 2.2.2 Views of the United States38-42
• 2.2.3 Views of the Sino-American Relationship42-44
• 2.3 Alternative Perspectives on China, the United States, and Sino-American Relations44-49
• Section Ⅲ The Development of America's Grand Strategy49-67
• 3.1 Introducing "America's Pacific Century"49
• 3.2 Pride and the American Liberal World Order49-57
• 3.2.1 American Exceptionalism49-52
• 3.2.2 American Paternalism52-55
• 3.2.3 American Hegemonism55-57
• 3.3 Fear and Actions for the Prevention of Decline57-67
• 3.3.1 Decline and Other Challenges57-58
• 3.3.2 Needs and Interests58-59
• 3.3.3 Restoring American Power59-67
• Section Ⅳ The Development of China's Grand Strategy67-87
• 4.1 Introducing the Chinese Dream67-68
• 4.2 Historical Foundations and Motivations68-69
• 4.3 Development69-87
• 4.3.1 Proactively Pursuing a Chinese Dream70-71
• 4.3.2 Reactively Pursuing a Chinese Dream71-73
• 4.3.3 Moving Away from the "Tao Guang Yang Hui" Strategy73-74
• 4.3.4 Coexistence of Competitive and Cooperative Attitudes in Chinese Foreign Policy74-80
• 4.3.5 Considering the Revival of Chinese Leadership in Asia80-85
• 4.3.6 Pursuing Leadership, a Sphere of Influence, and the Revival of a Sino-Centric Regional Order85-87
• Section Ⅴ America's Grand Strategy:America's Pacific Century87-111
• 5.1 Leadership:Barack Obama87-88
• 5.2 Strategy88-100
• 5.2.1 Reestablishing America's Position as a Regional Security Guarantor89-95
• 5.2.2 Turning Baggage into Opportunities and Pursuing Influence in New Areas95-97
• 5.2.3 Regaining Control of Regional Economics97-99
• 5.2.4 Building a Democratic Asia99-100
• 5.3 Attitude and Approach Towards China100-102
• 5.4 Strategic Limitations102-105
• 5.4.1 External Factors102-105
• 5.4.2 Internal Factors105
• 5.5 Chinese Reactions105-111
• Section Ⅵ China's Grand Strategy:The Chinese Dream111-135
• 6.1 Leadership:Xi Jinping111-112
• 6.2 Strategy112-124
• 6.3 Attitude and Approach Towards the United States124-126
• 6.4 Strategic Limitations126-128
• 6.4.1 Internal Factors127
• 6.4.2 External Factors127-128
• 6.5 American Reactions128-135
• Section Ⅶ Coexistence of Competition and Cooperation in Sino-American Relations135-156
• 7.1 Contradictions in American and Chinese Foreign Policy135-137
• 7.1.1 American Foreign Policy towards China and the Liberal World Order135-136
• 7.1.2 Chinese Foreign Policy towards the United States and the Liberal World Order136
• 7.1.3 Conflicted Foreign Policy Choices and the Consequences of Those Choices136-137
• 7.2 Competition and Cooperation in Sino-American Relations137-156
• 7.2.1 Competition137-150
• 7.2.2 Cooperation150-156
• Section Ⅷ The Evolution of Competition into Confrontation and Conflict156-165
• 8.1 One Possible Future for the Sino-American Relationship156-163
• 8.1.1 Dangers of Increased Competition157-161
• 8.1.2 Dangers of Conflict161-163
• 8.2 The Realities of the Present Situation163-165
• Section IX Possibilities for Peace and Stability165-173
• 9.1 An Alternative Possibility for the Future of the Sino-American Relationship165-173
• Section Ⅹ Conclusion173-182
• Bibliography182-208
• Acknowledgements208

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本文編號(hào)：1063704