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中國北方地區(qū)裴李崗時(shí)代生業(yè)經(jīng)濟(jì)研究

發(fā)布時(shí)間:2018-04-19 12:45

  本文選題:裴李崗時(shí)代 + 生業(yè)經(jīng)濟(jì) ; 參考:《山東大學(xué)》2014年博士論文


【摘要】:生業(yè)經(jīng)濟(jì)是研究古代社會(huì)的一項(xiàng)重要內(nèi)容,裴李崗時(shí)代是史前社會(huì)經(jīng)濟(jì)從采集狩獵過渡并發(fā)展到農(nóng)業(yè)生產(chǎn)這一漫長歷程中重要的一環(huán),分析探討裴李崗時(shí)代的生業(yè)經(jīng)濟(jì)模式將有助于我們進(jìn)一步認(rèn)識(shí)農(nóng)業(yè)起源與發(fā)展進(jìn)程。本文的研究目的是系統(tǒng)梳理和分析裴李崗時(shí)代中國北方生業(yè)經(jīng)濟(jì)研究成果,重點(diǎn)探討北方不同區(qū)域內(nèi)/間生業(yè)模式及其之間的異同和原因,以期更好地了解這一時(shí)期中國北方低水平食物生產(chǎn)的特點(diǎn)。在此基礎(chǔ)上,對(duì)世界范圍內(nèi)(以西亞為例)低水平食物生產(chǎn)模式進(jìn)行宏觀考察,尋找中國本土早期食物生產(chǎn)的發(fā)展模式和特點(diǎn)。 本文可分為四大部分: 一、立題 本文第一章和第二章。第一章為本文緒論,提出本文的研究問題,回顧相關(guān)學(xué)術(shù)史,梳理已有研究成果,介紹本研究采用的理論、方法及主要內(nèi)容等。第二章介紹研究區(qū)自然環(huán)境與考古學(xué)文化概況,為本研究的另一項(xiàng)基礎(chǔ)信息。生業(yè)經(jīng)濟(jì)是研究人類社會(huì)的一項(xiàng)重要內(nèi)容,縱觀中外早期社會(huì)生業(yè)經(jīng)濟(jì)研究成果可以發(fā)現(xiàn),囿于材料豐度的差異和研究理念及方法的不同,目前大多數(shù)對(duì)我國北方裴李崗時(shí)代生業(yè)經(jīng)濟(jì)的研究是相對(duì)割裂獨(dú)立的,缺乏統(tǒng)一的宏觀考察,這與全球范圍內(nèi)幾大農(nóng)業(yè)起源中心、甚至南方稻作農(nóng)業(yè)研究相比是不足的。近年來,動(dòng)植物考古等多種新方法在多個(gè)考古遺址中的開展斬獲了一批重要的新發(fā)現(xiàn),使進(jìn)一步認(rèn)識(shí)中國北方早期的生業(yè)經(jīng)濟(jì)模式成為可能;诖,我們運(yùn)用植物考古學(xué)的研究方法對(duì)數(shù)個(gè)遺址進(jìn)行個(gè)案分析,同時(shí)結(jié)合動(dòng)物遺存和生產(chǎn)工具的考古發(fā)現(xiàn),借鑒聚落與環(huán)境考古研究成果以及國際上關(guān)于農(nóng)業(yè)起源與發(fā)展的經(jīng)典理論框架,由點(diǎn)到面地考察我國北方裴李崗時(shí)代的生業(yè)經(jīng)濟(jì)模式。 二、解題 本文第三章至第七章,包括單個(gè)遺址植物考古個(gè)案研究和單個(gè)文化生業(yè)經(jīng)濟(jì)模式的考察兩個(gè)層次。 第三章為后李文化生業(yè)經(jīng)濟(jì)研究。張馬屯和西河遺址的大遺存?zhèn)案研究揭示了它們以數(shù)十種野生植物為主的植物性食物結(jié)構(gòu),采集經(jīng)濟(jì)仍保持主導(dǎo)地位;同時(shí)還發(fā)現(xiàn)了初期的栽培植物,張馬屯先民種植黍和粟,西河遺址可能以水稻具優(yōu)勢。六吉莊子遺址發(fā)現(xiàn)了豐富的禾草類植物淀粉粒。分析結(jié)果顯示對(duì)野生動(dòng)植物資源的廣譜利用是后李文化諸聚落的共同特點(diǎn)。后李文化已經(jīng)出現(xiàn)了粟類植物的栽培和馴化,是人類適應(yīng)性生業(yè)經(jīng)濟(jì)轉(zhuǎn)變的一個(gè)方面,西河和月莊遺址可能還栽培了水稻。在后李文化發(fā)展過程中,栽培植物在人類食譜中的比重逐步上升,但始終未超過野生植物。后李文化先民可能已經(jīng)飼養(yǎng)家豬,但家豬的馴化還處于初始階段,這一時(shí)期家豬與野豬在形態(tài)上差別不明顯,提供的肉食在先民動(dòng)物蛋白攝入量中所占比重有限。狗也是人類馴養(yǎng)的對(duì)象之一,但它們更可能作為人類狩獵活動(dòng)的得力助手,而非完全是人類食用的對(duì)象。相反,各遺址內(nèi)均出土了數(shù)量較多、種屬繁雜的野生動(dòng)物遺存為諸聚落的先民提供了60%以上的肉食供給。 第四章為興隆洼文化生業(yè)經(jīng)濟(jì)研究。查海和塔布敖包遺址的淀粉粒分析結(jié)果顯示禾草類植物具有明顯優(yōu)勢,其中部分淀粉顆粒來自包括粟、黍在類的粟類植物,另外小麥族植物淀粉粒的頻現(xiàn)值得關(guān)注。這些淀粉粒組合暗示了當(dāng)時(shí)人類對(duì)禾本科植物廣泛且趨向強(qiáng)化的開發(fā)利用,植物栽培已經(jīng)存在,同時(shí)對(duì)塊莖類和堅(jiān)果類以及其他野生禾草植物的采集利用也是人類植食的獲取方式。興隆洼文化動(dòng)植物遺存的發(fā)現(xiàn)并不豐富,僅有的材料顯示攫取野生動(dòng)植物資源是興隆洼文化聚落生業(yè)經(jīng)濟(jì)中重要的環(huán)節(jié)。這一時(shí)期先民采集食用的植物種類是廣譜的,明確的栽培植物來自興隆溝遺址的黍。大型野生動(dòng)物在興隆洼文化先民的肉食中占據(jù)的比例很低,中小型哺乳動(dòng)物可能為人類主要的肉食來源。目前興隆洼文化遺址中并未發(fā)現(xiàn)明確的馴化動(dòng)物遺存,但卻有飼養(yǎng)家豬的線索。整體而言,興隆洼文化食物生產(chǎn)的規(guī)模并不太大,先民食物的來源主要依賴于野生資源,特別是資源豐富的聚落。采集狩獵經(jīng)濟(jì)是興隆洼文化聚落共同的生計(jì)活動(dòng),漁獵在個(gè)別聚落中也被采納作為補(bǔ)充,食物生產(chǎn)的貢獻(xiàn)有限。興隆洼文化聚落多處于生態(tài)過渡地帶,資源的多樣性和差異性明顯,這在不同聚落的生計(jì)中也有一定反映。 第五章為裴李崗文化生業(yè)經(jīng)濟(jì)研究。目前的考古發(fā)掘與研究顯示裴李崗文化至少可分為南北兩大類型。裴李崗類型的相關(guān)發(fā)現(xiàn)較少,就目前的材料來看,采集野生植物資源是這個(gè)時(shí)期所有聚落共同的選擇,這種生計(jì)活動(dòng)應(yīng)占據(jù)了最重要且最大的比重。裴李崗類型栽培的植物以粟、黍?yàn)橹?實(shí)物證據(jù)來自塢羅西坡和府店東遺址的炭化粟,它們填補(bǔ)了裴李崗文化粟作農(nóng)業(yè)實(shí)物證據(jù)的空白,但極有限的數(shù)量限制了現(xiàn)階段對(duì)種植規(guī)模和食譜貢獻(xiàn)量的評(píng)估。多個(gè)遺址微體遺存或早年零星報(bào)道都支持了粟類作物在裴李崗類型的大多數(shù)遺址中普遍存在。唐戶遺址則是黍、稻混作的模式。裴李崗類型遺址的動(dòng)物遺存以野生動(dòng)物更豐富,但與賈湖類型相比,裴李崗類型先民食用的肉食動(dòng)物種類較少。以賈湖遺址為代表的賈湖類型考古發(fā)現(xiàn)豐富,采集漁獵這種傳統(tǒng)的攫取性經(jīng)濟(jì)是賈湖聚落十分依賴的生計(jì)模式;同時(shí),更豐富多樣的自然資源促使這種生計(jì)方式在很長時(shí)間內(nèi)都占據(jù)了重要地位。賈湖類型已經(jīng)出現(xiàn)了明確的植物栽培和家畜飼養(yǎng)等食物生產(chǎn)活動(dòng)。明確的栽培植物是水稻,與裴李崗類型迥然不同。水稻遺存的多樣性表明它們處于栽培的初期。賈湖的家豬是目前北方地區(qū)最早的實(shí)證。盡管食物生產(chǎn)的水平和規(guī)模逐步提高,但其在人類食譜中的比重始終處于輔助位置。裴李崗文化不同類型聚落既采取了普遍適用的采集漁獵生業(yè)方式,同時(shí)也因地制宜地通過栽培植物和馴養(yǎng)動(dòng)物來增加和穩(wěn)定食物供應(yīng)。地理位置(以緯度為主)所致環(huán)境和資源的差異可能是造成兩大類型不同生業(yè)經(jīng)濟(jì)模式的主要原因。 第六章為大地灣—老官臺(tái)文化生業(yè)經(jīng)濟(jì)研究。大地灣文化多個(gè)遺址動(dòng)植物遺存信息量差異很大。明確的栽培植物是數(shù)量極少的黍,炭化黍在形態(tài)和大小上已脫離了完全野生的狀態(tài),表明當(dāng)時(shí)人類已經(jīng)對(duì)其進(jìn)行了栽培和初步馴化。這一時(shí)期一系列考古遺址極少見植物遺存或反映了植物栽培和馴化等農(nóng)業(yè)生產(chǎn)活動(dòng)的水平較低。哺乳動(dòng)物、鳥類、魚類和軟體動(dòng)物等野生動(dòng)物是當(dāng)時(shí)人類肉食的最主要來源,其中濱河聚落對(duì)水生資源的獲取更多?傮w而言,大地灣—老官臺(tái)文化時(shí)期人類在很大程度上還依賴于野生動(dòng)物資源。同時(shí),先民已經(jīng)開始飼養(yǎng)豬、狗等家畜,同位素分析顯示這種行為在大地灣一期時(shí)期就已存在,且在稍晚時(shí)期已經(jīng)成為人類肉食的主要來源。目前材料顯示當(dāng)時(shí)先民飼養(yǎng)的家畜很可能是在東方成功馴化后引入的。進(jìn)一步結(jié)合生產(chǎn)工具分析發(fā)現(xiàn),此時(shí)期人類的整體生業(yè)經(jīng)濟(jì)模式以采集和狩獵活動(dòng)為主,明確的農(nóng)業(yè)生產(chǎn)在大多數(shù)遺址中都已經(jīng)存在但規(guī)模有限。 第七章為磁山—北福地文化生業(yè)經(jīng)濟(jì)研究。由于目前的考古證據(jù)匱乏,我們僅能從磁山、北福地等幾個(gè)遺址零星的考古發(fā)現(xiàn)和研究成果來進(jìn)行初步考察。磁山—北福地文化的先民應(yīng)該擁有較廣譜的食物結(jié)構(gòu)。他們的植物性食物包括了黍、粟和其他野生植物,肉食蛋白則來自哺乳動(dòng)物、鳥類、龜鱉類、魚類和蚌類五大類。這一時(shí)期人類仍然依賴于從自然界中攫取野生資源,在生業(yè)模式上表現(xiàn)為傳統(tǒng)采集漁獵模式。野生物種的豐富程度和生產(chǎn)工具的分類百分比顯示攫取性經(jīng)濟(jì)始終占據(jù)了磁山—北福地先民生計(jì)中最重要的部分。值得關(guān)注的是以磁山遺址為代表的文化群體或許可能在10ka BP開始已經(jīng)進(jìn)行植物栽培和馴化以及家畜飼養(yǎng)等食物生產(chǎn)活動(dòng),這需要更多確定的年代數(shù)據(jù)支撐。我們對(duì)磁山遺址窖穴儲(chǔ)藏量仍存疑,且生產(chǎn)工具分析表明磁山遺址的農(nóng)業(yè)生產(chǎn)活動(dòng)始終沒有超過50%的比重。磁山—北福地文化先民食物生產(chǎn)的水平與規(guī)模是有限的。鑒于遺址間生物遺存的發(fā)現(xiàn)并不豐富并且差距很大,以磁山為重點(diǎn)所得到的認(rèn)識(shí)尚無法代表這一時(shí)期人類生業(yè)經(jīng)濟(jì)模式的全部。 三、破題 本文第八章,內(nèi)容包括對(duì)中國北方裴李崗時(shí)代生業(yè)經(jīng)濟(jì)的綜合考察和北方低水平食物生產(chǎn)階段的分析與評(píng)估。在對(duì)不同地區(qū)生業(yè)經(jīng)濟(jì)微觀和宏觀認(rèn)識(shí)的基礎(chǔ)上,借鑒國內(nèi)外關(guān)于早期人類采集狩獵經(jīng)濟(jì)向農(nóng)業(yè)經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展的研究,特別是理論和典型案例分析,探討這一時(shí)期北方地區(qū)生業(yè)經(jīng)濟(jì)的發(fā)展進(jìn)程。 在單個(gè)聚落、文化生業(yè)經(jīng)濟(jì)的分析基礎(chǔ)上,我們對(duì)北方五支考古學(xué)文化生業(yè)經(jīng)濟(jì)進(jìn)行橫向?qū)Ρ?研究結(jié)果表明:采集漁獵經(jīng)濟(jì)在裴李崗時(shí)代始終占據(jù)了主導(dǎo)地位。食物生產(chǎn)行為已經(jīng)明確存在,初期的植物栽培和動(dòng)物馴養(yǎng)是北方各地先民進(jìn)行食物生產(chǎn)的主要內(nèi)容,但生產(chǎn)性所得食物對(duì)人類食譜的貢獻(xiàn)有限。 食物生產(chǎn)活動(dòng)雖然日漸頻繁和愈發(fā)重要,但始終處于一個(gè)食物補(bǔ)充的輔助地位,以栽培植物和飼養(yǎng)家畜為主體內(nèi)容的食物生產(chǎn)所得在當(dāng)時(shí)人類食譜中的貢獻(xiàn)并未超過50%,屬于低水平食物生產(chǎn)階段。以馴化物的存在為界,或可將中國北方的低水平食物生產(chǎn)劃分為為兩大階段。舊石器時(shí)代末期—前裴李崗時(shí)代屬于無馴化物的低水平食物生產(chǎn)階段;進(jìn)入裴李崗時(shí)代屬于有馴化物的低水平食物生產(chǎn)階段。而囿于材料的局限,目前尚無法對(duì)裴李崗時(shí)代再進(jìn)一步明確的細(xì)分,不同文化群體進(jìn)行食物生產(chǎn)可能有早晚之分,但差距應(yīng)不大。 更新世末期開始,華北先民可能率先開始食物生產(chǎn)實(shí)踐。至裴李崗時(shí)代,食物生產(chǎn)行為在北方地區(qū)已是普遍現(xiàn)象,但這種生產(chǎn)性經(jīng)濟(jì)在當(dāng)時(shí)的生業(yè)經(jīng)濟(jì)中不占有重要地位,從量化角度來評(píng)估,其在人類社會(huì)經(jīng)濟(jì)中的貢獻(xiàn)較低。影響社會(huì)經(jīng)濟(jì)方式轉(zhuǎn)變的因素有自然和人為兩方面,自然條件和環(huán)境氣候的變化激發(fā)了社會(huì)經(jīng)濟(jì)方式從采集狩獵向農(nóng)業(yè)生產(chǎn)的轉(zhuǎn)變,全新世的氣候波動(dòng)進(jìn)一步強(qiáng)化了食物生產(chǎn)。某些地區(qū)強(qiáng)流動(dòng)性的采集狩獵群體的社會(huì)結(jié)構(gòu)有助于社會(huì)經(jīng)濟(jì)方式發(fā)生轉(zhuǎn)變,這種模式在大地灣文化中表現(xiàn)得更突出。 中國北方經(jīng)歷了數(shù)千年的低水平食物生產(chǎn)階段,但與西亞地區(qū)相比,這個(gè)地區(qū)向食物生產(chǎn)的轉(zhuǎn)變可能較西亞地區(qū)晚了近一千年,同時(shí)以大地灣文化為例,這個(gè)過程來得更迅速和緊湊。 四、結(jié)題 本文第九章,點(diǎn)明中國北方裴李崗時(shí)代生業(yè)經(jīng)濟(jì)處于低水平食物生產(chǎn)階段的整體特征與所處發(fā)展階段,闡釋裴李崗時(shí)代生業(yè)經(jīng)濟(jì)研究對(duì)中國、乃至世界范圍內(nèi)農(nóng)業(yè)起源與發(fā)展研究的重要意義。此外指出本文是十分初步的工作,對(duì)史前社會(huì)經(jīng)濟(jì)方式的演變及其背后的動(dòng)力與機(jī)制,以及聚落形態(tài)和意識(shí)形態(tài)等人類社會(huì)的其他方面對(duì)生計(jì)方式轉(zhuǎn)變作出的響應(yīng)和變化等問題,都需要更多考古發(fā)現(xiàn)和進(jìn)一步深入的相關(guān)研究工作。
[Abstract]:The life economy is an important part of the study of the ancient society. The age of Pei Li Gang is an important part of the long history of the economic and social economy from the acquisition of hunting and developing to the agricultural production. The analysis and discussion of the economic model of the Pei Ligang era will help us to further recognize the origin and development of agriculture. The purpose of this study is to systematically comb and analyze the research results of the northern China's life economy in the Pei Ligang era, and to focus on the similarities and differences between the different regions of northern China and the differences and causes in different regions in order to better understand the characteristics of low level food production in Northern China in this period. On this basis, the low water in the world (Western Asia) is low. We will conduct a macroscopic study on the flat food production mode to find out the development patterns and characteristics of the early food production in China.
This article can be divided into four parts:
A topic
The first chapter and the second chapter. The first chapter is the introduction of this paper. It puts forward the research questions, reviews the relevant academic history, combs the existing research results, introduces the theories, methods and main contents of this study. The second chapter introduces the general situation of the natural environment and archaeological culture in the study area, which is another basic information for this study. In the study of an important content of human society, a survey of the achievements of the early social life economy in China and foreign countries can be found that, due to the difference in material abundance and the different research ideas and methods, most of the research on the Pei Ligang age economy in the north of China is relatively independent and lacks a unified macro inspection, which is the same as the global scope. In recent years, many new methods of archaeology, such as animal and plant archaeology, have captured a number of important new discoveries in several archaeological sites, which makes it possible to further understand the early industrial economic model in northern China. Based on this, we use plant archaeology. On the basis of the case analysis of several sites, and combining the archaeological discoveries of animal remains and production tools, and using the achievements of settlement and environmental archaeology and the classical theoretical framework of the origin and development of agriculture in the world, the economic model of the life of Pei Li Gang in northern China is inspected from the point of view.
Two, problem solving
The third chapter to the seventh chapter includes two levels: single site archaeological case study and single culture economic model.
The third chapter is the study of the post Li cultural life economy. The case study of the remains of Zhang Ma Tun and Xihe site reveals the vegetative food structure based on dozens of wild plants, and the economy remains dominant. At the same time, the early planting plants are found. Advantage. A rich starch grain of grasses was found at six Chuang-tzu site. The analysis showed that the broad-spectrum utilization of wild animal and plant resources is the common characteristic of the settlement of the rear plum culture. The culture and domestication of the millet plants have appeared in the post plum culture, which is one aspect of the economic transformation of the human adaptable life, and the Xihe and Yue Zhuang sites are available. In the course of the development of the post plum culture, the proportion of the cultivated plants in the human diet is gradually rising, but never more than the wild plants. The later Li Wenhua ancestors may have raised the domestic pigs, but the domestication of the domestic pigs is still in the initial stage. The proportion of animal protein intake is limited. Dogs are also one of the targets of human domestication, but they are more likely to be the right assistants of human hunting, not entirely human consumption. On the contrary, many sites are unearthed, and the remains of wild animals provide more than 60% meat for the ancestors. The food supply.
The fourth chapter is the study of the cultural life economy of the Xing Long wa. The results of the starch grain analysis in the site of the Chihai and tabobao sites show that the grasses have obvious advantages. Some of the starch granules are from millet, millet and millet, and the frequency of the starch grains of the wheat plants is worthy of attention. Gramineous plants are widely and fortified development and utilization, plant cultivation has already existed, and the collection and utilization of tubers and nuts and other wild grasses is also the way to obtain human vegetation. The discovery of the remains of the culture and plant of the culture and plant is not rich, the only materials show the exploitation of wild animal and plant resources. The important part of the cultural settlement economy. The plant species collected by the ancestors during this period are broad-spectrum, and the clear cultivated plants are from the millet at the site of the Hsin Long Gully. The large wild animals occupy a low proportion in the carnivore of the cultural ancestors of the Xing Long WA, and the small and medium mammals can be the main source of meat for human beings. The cultural sites have not found a clear domesticated animal remains, but there are clues to the breeding of domestic pigs. In general, the scale of the cultural food production is not too large. The source of the food is mainly dependent on the wild resources, especially the abundant resources. The hunting economy is the common livelihood activity of the cultural settlement of the Xing Long wa. The contribution of food production is limited in individual settlements, and the contribution of the food production is limited. The cultural settlements in Xing Long wa are in the ecological transition zone, and the diversity and difference of resources are obvious. This is also reflected in the livelihoods of different settlements.
The fifth chapter is the study of Pei Ligang's cultural life economy. The present archaeological excavation and research show that Pei Ligang culture can be divided into two major types in the north and the south. There are few related findings of the Pei Ligang type. As far as the current materials are concerned, the collection of wild plant resources is the common choice of all settlements in this period, and this livelihood activities should be the most important. And the largest proportion of the Pei Ligang type cultivated plants are millet and millet, and the physical evidence comes from the Rossi Poe of dock and the carbonized millet at the East site of the house. They fill the blank of the evidence of Pei Ligang's cultural millet, but the very limited quantity limits the assessment of the scale and contribution of the recipes at the present stage. Or sporadic reports in the early years support the common existence of miliary crops in most of the sites of the Pei Ligang type. The Tang household site is a model of millet and rice mixed. The animal remains of the Pei Ligang type site are more abundant in wild animals, but compared with the Jia lake type, the Pei Ligang type has less carnivorous animals of the first folk food. The archeological discovery of the representative Jia lake type is rich, and the traditional grabbing economy of collecting and fishing and hunting is a living model which is very dependent on the settlement of the Jia Lake settlement. At the same time, the rich and diverse natural resources have made this way of livelihood occupy an important position for a long time. The type of Jia lake has already appeared clear plant cultivation and livestock breeding, etc. Food production activities. The clear cultivated plants are rice, different from the Pei Ligang type. The diversity of the remains of rice indicates that they are in the early stage of cultivation. The pig of the Jia lake is the earliest evidence in the northern region. Although the level and scale of food production are gradually increased, the proportion of the food in the human diet is always in the auxiliary position. The different types of settlements of Pei Ligang culture have adopted both general and applicable ways of collecting and hunting for fishing and hunting, but also increasing and stabilizing food supply through cultivated plants and domesticated animals in the light of local conditions. The difference of environment and resources caused by geographical location (mainly latitude) may be the main cause of the two different types of different types of livelihood economic models.
The sixth chapter is the study of the cultural life economy of Dadi Bay - old official station. There is a great difference in the amount of information about the remains of animals and plants at many sites in the Dadi Bay culture. The clear cultivated plants are very few of the millet. The form and size of the carbonized millet have been separated from the state of the wild. It shows that the human being has been cultivated and domesticated at that time. In a series of archaeological sites, rare plants remain or reflect the low level of agricultural production activities such as plant cultivation and domestication. Wild animals such as mammals, birds, fish and mollusks are the most important sources of human meat at that time, of which waterfront settlements have more access to aquatic resources. During the period, human beings were largely dependent on wild animal resources. At the same time, the ancestors had started raising pigs, dogs and other livestock. Isotopic analysis showed that this behavior had existed in the Great Bay period and had become the main source of human meat in the later period. After the introduction of successful domestication in the East, it is found that the overall economic model of human life is mainly collected and hunting, and the clear agricultural production has already existed but limited in most sites.
The seventh chapter is the economic research on the cultural industry of the magnetic mountain and Northern Fu. Due to the lack of archaeological evidence, we can only make a preliminary investigation from the sporadic archaeological discoveries and research results of several sites in the magnetic mountains and Northern Fu fields. The ancestors of the magnetic Mountain North Fu culture should have a broader food structure. Their plant food includes the millet. Millet and other wild plants, meat protein comes from five major categories of mammals, birds, tortoise, turtle, fish and mussels. During this period, human beings still relied on the acquisition of wild resources from nature and displayed traditional fishing and hunting patterns in the model of life. The richness of the wild species and the classification percentage of production tools showed the grabbing classics. It is worth noting that the cultural group represented by the site of the magnetic mountain site may probably have been cultivated and domesticated as well as livestock breeding and other food production activities at the beginning of 10kA BP, which requires more dating support. The storage capacity is still doubtful, and the analysis of the production tools shows that the agricultural production activities of the site of the magnetic mountain have never been more than 50%. The level and scale of the food production of the cultural ancestors of the magnetic mountains and Northern Fujian are limited. This period of human subsistence economy.
Three, essay
The eighth chapter of this article includes the comprehensive investigation of the Pei Ligang era in northern China and the analysis and evaluation of the low level food production stage in the north. On the basis of the micro and macro understanding of the different regions, the study on the collection of hunting economy to agricultural economic development at home and abroad, especially the reason for the development of agricultural economy, is used. Analysis of theory and typical cases, to explore the development process of subsistence economy in northern area during this period.
On the basis of a single settlement and the analysis of the cultural life economy, we have made a horizontal comparison of the five archaeological economy in the north. The results show that the fishing and hunting economy has always occupied the leading position in the Pei Ligang era. The behavior of food production has been clearly existed, and the first period of plant cultivation and animal domestication are the ancestors in the north. The main content of food production is, but the contribution of productive food to human diet is limited.
Although food production activities are becoming more and more frequent and important, they are always in the auxiliary position of a food supplement. The contribution of food production with the cultivation of plants and livestock as the main content does not exceed 50% in the human diet at that time. It belongs to the low level food production stage. The low level food production is divided into two stages. The end of the Paleolithic Period - the former Pei Li Gang era belongs to the low level food production stage without domestication; entering the Pei Li Gang era belongs to the low level food production stage with domesticated objects, but limited to the limitations of the material, it is still unable to further clarify the Pei Ligang era. Different cultural groups for food students

【學(xué)位授予單位】:山東大學(xué)
【學(xué)位級(jí)別】:博士
【學(xué)位授予年份】:2014
【分類號(hào)】:F129

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