發(fā)布時(shí)間：2018-07-05 15:07

  本文選題：移位控制理論 + 空主語�。� 參考：《上海外國語大學(xué)》2017年碩士論文

【摘要】：本文以Hornstein等學(xué)者提出的移位控制理論為理論框架對現(xiàn)代漢語的空主語進(jìn)行了系統(tǒng)分類。移位控制理論是在最簡方案的框架下衍生出來的。在之前的管約論中,根據(jù)題元準(zhǔn)則,深層結(jié)構(gòu)要求名詞短語必須在填詞和題元分配結(jié)束后才能進(jìn)行移位。而最簡方案一個顯著的特點(diǎn)就是去除了深層結(jié)構(gòu),這意味著題元分配和移位可以相互穿插進(jìn)行。因此移位控制理論認(rèn)為強(qiáng)制控制空代詞實(shí)際上是名詞移位后留下的語跡。大體來說就是,一個名詞短語先在從句主語位置得到一個題元角色,然后進(jìn)行移位,移到主句主語或賓語位置上得到另一個題元角色,身兼數(shù)職;于是原本從句主語位置上就留下了一個語跡,也就是受強(qiáng)制控制的空代詞。而非強(qiáng)制控制則屬于兜底條款,它本質(zhì)上是個空代詞,只有在名詞短語無法移位時(shí)才出現(xiàn)。另一方面,由于各種原因,現(xiàn)代漢語空主語從表面上看非常復(fù)雜。例如,漢語是允許主語脫落的語言,再例如,漢語的移位比英語移位更靈活等。由于移位控制理論對強(qiáng)制控制本質(zhì)定位進(jìn)行了改變,它不再是基礎(chǔ)生成的空代詞,而是移位后留下的語跡,本文對漢語的空主語重新進(jìn)行分類,期望撥開云霧見青天,一窺漢語空主語的究竟。本文將現(xiàn)代漢語空主語分為三類,它們在本質(zhì)上分別為語跡,省略和空代詞;并具體闡述了允準(zhǔn)語跡,省略和空代詞的各種結(jié)構(gòu)。語跡主要出現(xiàn)在“得”字結(jié)構(gòu),準(zhǔn)雙賓結(jié)構(gòu),賓語結(jié)構(gòu)等。省略主要出現(xiàn)在祈使句,對話,流水句等,空代詞則出現(xiàn)在主語結(jié)構(gòu),“得”字結(jié)構(gòu),補(bǔ)語結(jié)構(gòu)等。不同的空主語,找回它的語義同指所采用的方法也不同。語跡主要通過題元連接解讀和強(qiáng)制控制來找到它的語義同指。省略通過借助語境或其他結(jié)構(gòu)來得以還原,空代詞則通過非強(qiáng)制控制來獲得。在找到語義同指的過程中,本文在現(xiàn)代漢語中發(fā)現(xiàn)了典型的后置控制,增強(qiáng)了移位控制理論的說服力,同時(shí)發(fā)現(xiàn)了獨(dú)特的復(fù)制短語,進(jìn)一步豐富了移位控制理論。
[Abstract]:In this paper, the theory of shift control proposed by Hornstein and other scholars is used as the theoretical framework to classify the empty subjects in modern Chinese. The theory of shift control is derived from the framework of the simplest scheme. In the previous management reduction theory, the deep structure requires that the noun phrase must be shifted only after the completion of the assignment of the word and the element. A notable feature of the simplest scheme is the removal of the deep structure, which means that the assignment and shift of the problem elements can be intertwined. Therefore, the theory of shift control holds that the compulsory control empty pronoun is actually the trace left after the noun shift. In general, a noun phrase first gets a role in the position of the subject of the clause, then shifts to the position of the subject or the object of the subject, and gets another role in the subject or object. Therefore, the position of the subject of the original clause left a mark, that is, the empty pronouns controlled by force. But the non-compulsory control belongs to the bottom clause, which is essentially an empty pronoun and only appears when the noun phrase can not be shifted. On the other hand, for various reasons, the empty subject in modern Chinese is very complicated on the surface. For example, Chinese is a language that allows the subject to fall off. For example, the shift of Chinese is more flexible than that of English. Because the theory of shift control has changed the essential orientation of compulsory control, it is no longer the empty pronoun generated by the foundation, but the trace left behind after the shift. This paper reclassifies the empty subject in Chinese, hoping to remove the clouds and see the sky. A glimpse of the empty subject in Chinese. In this paper, the empty subject in modern Chinese is divided into three categories, which are, in essence, trace, ellipsis and empty pronoun, and the structures of permitted trace, ellipsis and empty pronoun are expounded in detail. The trace mainly appears in "de" structure, quasi-double object structure, object structure and so on. Ellipsis mainly appears in imperative sentence, dialogue, flowing sentence and so on, while empty pronoun appears in subject structure, word structure of "de", complement structure and so on. Different empty subjects use different methods to retrieve their semantic synonyms. The semantic synonyms of trace are mainly found by reading and compulsorily controlling. Ellipsis is restored by context or other structures, and empty pronouns are obtained by non-coercive control. In the process of finding semantic synonyms, this paper finds typical postcontrol in modern Chinese, strengthens the persuasive power of shift control theory, and finds unique duplicated phrases, which further enriches the shift control theory.
【學(xué)位授予單位】：上海外國語大學(xué)
【學(xué)位級別】：碩士
【學(xué)位授予年份】：2017
【分類號】：H146.3

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本文編號：2100635