【摘要】： 時間上講,本課題涵蓋了從新中國成立到蘇東劇變之間中蘇關(guān)系中的美國因素,同時較全面地反映了“冷戰(zhàn)”時期中美蘇三國關(guān)系演變的軌跡。 在紛繁復(fù)雜的“冷戰(zhàn)”歷史中,最不能回避的研究對象是美蘇兩個超級大國之間的持續(xù)對抗。然而,中國在冷戰(zhàn)中的地位絕非無足輕重;在冷戰(zhàn)發(fā)展的一些關(guān)鍵點和關(guān)鍵問題上,中國甚至占據(jù)了中心地位。因此,要深入研究“冷戰(zhàn)”歷史,就不能忽視中、美、蘇三國關(guān)系的演變。而“冷戰(zhàn)”時期中、美、蘇三國關(guān)系演變的歷程表現(xiàn)出了一個突出的特點,那就是,任何兩國之間關(guān)系的變化均深受第三國因素的影響。中國之于美蘇關(guān)系,蘇聯(lián)之于中美關(guān)系,美國之于中蘇關(guān)系均有著特定的作用。因此,就中蘇關(guān)系而言,除中蘇雙方自身的內(nèi)部決策與運作之外,最不能回避的一個外部因素就是美國的影響了。中蘇兩國1950年同盟關(guān)系的確立,60至70年代關(guān)系的惡化和武力對峙,80年代末的關(guān)系正常化,都與美國有密切聯(lián)系。 由于中、美、蘇三國是冷戰(zhàn)時期世界上的三個大國,前蘇聯(lián)又與中國毗鄰,冷戰(zhàn)期間美國對中、蘇兩國有非常重要的外部影響。今后,美國和俄羅斯也仍將是與中國密切相關(guān)的世界大國。這個課題的研究具有重要的現(xiàn)實戰(zhàn)略意義。同時,國內(nèi)學(xué)術(shù)界尚無系統(tǒng)研究1949到1989年中蘇關(guān)系中的美國因素的論著問世,相關(guān)的研究仍然顯得薄弱和零散,有待系統(tǒng)和深入。因而本選題亦具有重要的理論開拓意義。 本文試圖在充分占有相關(guān)歷史資料的基礎(chǔ)上,按照時間順序,對1949-1989年中蘇關(guān)系中的美國因素進(jìn)行綜合論述。力圖做到既宏觀把握,又具體分析,以期對深化中蘇關(guān)系史研究、進(jìn)而對深化“冷戰(zhàn)史”研究提供一個有價值的“觀測點”。 本文除緒論和結(jié)語外,正文部分為四章。 第一章著眼于理論,探尋1949-1989年美國對中蘇兩國外交政策的歷史文化背景,為后面論述美國針對中蘇關(guān)系的政策和戰(zhàn)略作鋪墊。就美國而言,1949至1989年40年中,美國實行了反蘇反共的冷戰(zhàn)外交政策。其中除了試圖成為世界領(lǐng)袖的時代現(xiàn)實考慮之外,更主要的原因是美國所具有的政治文化傳統(tǒng),如使命觀思想、擴張意識、種族主義等政治文化傳統(tǒng)以及反對社會主義、共產(chǎn)主義的歷史傳統(tǒng)對當(dāng)時國家外交政策的影響。首先,它的政治文化傳統(tǒng)主要可以概括為以下四點:1、使命觀思想。這包含美國例外論、天定命運觀以及美國樂善好施的思想。這種“天賦使命”的理想主義觀念將基督教普世主義信仰與現(xiàn)實世界相結(jié)合,以獨特的文化傳統(tǒng)指引著美國外交政策的大方向。2、擴張意識。擴張主義是“種族優(yōu)越論”的必然產(chǎn)物。大多數(shù)美國人認(rèn)為擴張不是一個貶義詞,是實現(xiàn)“天賦使命”的重要手段。3、種族主義。在美國的歷史中,鼓吹白皮膚的美國人(尤其英國后裔)屬于最精華的種族的盎格魯—撒克遜主義十分流行。這種種族優(yōu)越感強烈的影響著美國的國家政策,對外他們特別強調(diào)擔(dān)負(fù)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)和保衛(wèi)世界各自由國家的責(zé)任。4、理想主義和現(xiàn)實主義。理想主義和現(xiàn)實主義交錯存在,作為既對立又統(tǒng)一的兩極共同影響著美國的冷戰(zhàn)政策。理想主義對美國冷戰(zhàn)政策的影響主要在于,它結(jié)合了美國政治文化中的使命觀思想,使得美國的冷戰(zhàn)政策具有了道義的色彩。而現(xiàn)實主義主要強調(diào)實力尤其是軍事力量在外交政策中的作用,強調(diào)維護(hù)美國的主權(quán)、安全和國家利益。其次,反共主義作為一種意識形態(tài),成為1949-1989年美國推行反蘇反共冷戰(zhàn)政策的王牌。正是在反共主義的掩護(hù)下,美國高調(diào)展開與蘇聯(lián)的對抗并對新中國進(jìn)行了長達(dá)20年的遏制和尖銳敵視。美國外交上的反共主義有著極為深刻的經(jīng)濟(jì)、政治和社會文化根源,既具有對整個資本主義世界來說共性的因素,也有美國特有的因素。同時與社會主義國家的政策失誤也有一定關(guān)系。最后,第二次世界大戰(zhàn)結(jié)束之后美國經(jīng)濟(jì)、軍事等綜合實力的迅速膨脹則在客觀上為美國推行它的外交政策、實現(xiàn)它的擴張夢想、體現(xiàn)它的文化特征創(chuàng)造了空前的時代歷史機遇。由此便有了以下三章將涉及到的1949-1989年美國因素與中蘇關(guān)系的互相糾纏、互為因果的關(guān)系。 第二章對1949—1958年中蘇結(jié)盟友好時期的美國因素進(jìn)行了分析。這十年間,美國憑借其因為第二次世界大戰(zhàn)而成就的世界首強的經(jīng)濟(jì)、政治和軍事綜合實力,對中蘇關(guān)系施加了全面、直接的干涉。這一期間,美國對中蘇關(guān)系的影響是巨大的,甚至可以用“無處不在”來形容,因為從二戰(zhàn)戰(zhàn)后初期到1950年中蘇新約的簽署、再到中蘇“蜜月”友好,中蘇關(guān)系的上空始終籠罩著美國這塊陰云。美國的中蘇戰(zhàn)略以反蘇反共為主,但同時又積極地試圖分化中蘇關(guān)系。這一時期美國分裂中蘇關(guān)系的“楔子戰(zhàn)略”的戰(zhàn)略重點,由出臺之初的阻止中國同蘇聯(lián)結(jié)盟,調(diào)整為用“高壓”遏制政策迫使中蘇關(guān)系分裂。這一期間美國的中蘇戰(zhàn)略的目標(biāo)并未實現(xiàn),因為它的戰(zhàn)略自相矛盾,美國政策的唯一效果是將自己與社會主義的中國和蘇聯(lián)隔離開來;但中蘇兩國在親密友好的大背景下,也潛伏著種種矛盾和危機,正是這些不和諧因素埋下了中蘇關(guān)系走向分裂惡化的禍根。 第三章對1959-1978年中蘇關(guān)系破裂過程中的美國因素進(jìn)行了梳理。這20年,中蘇關(guān)系由意識形態(tài)分歧到關(guān)系破裂,兩國關(guān)系由逐漸惡化走向敵對,甚至一度瀕臨戰(zhàn)爭邊緣。中蘇關(guān)系的這種巨大變化除了與兩國關(guān)系中的種種“內(nèi)因”有關(guān)之外,與美國因素這個“外因”也有莫大關(guān)系。這一時期,美國始終沒有放棄使用分裂中蘇關(guān)系的“楔子戰(zhàn)略”,其分裂中蘇關(guān)系的愿望最終得以實現(xiàn)。具有諷刺意義的是,作為影響中蘇關(guān)系的重要因素,美國在這一時期對中蘇關(guān)系惡化分裂的反應(yīng)比較遲鈍,大部分時間里仍然執(zhí)行對華敵視和對蘇有限緩和的政策�？梢哉f,中蘇關(guān)系真正走向破裂的過程受美國因素的客觀影響很大,但美國主觀上并未積極施加影響。換句話說,美國引起、促成了中蘇分裂,卻又沒有積極利用中蘇分裂的現(xiàn)實,調(diào)整其對蘇對華政策。這一時期,美國對中蘇關(guān)系的認(rèn)識基本準(zhǔn)確,也就是說,它認(rèn)識到了中蘇關(guān)系的惡化分裂。但是它的外交戰(zhàn)略中冷戰(zhàn)思維過于濃重,其中蘇關(guān)系戰(zhàn)略及其對蘇對華政策太過僵硬。尤其在19世紀(jì)60年代,美國夸大了“中國威脅論”而寧愿與蘇實行有限緩和,甚至愿意與蘇聯(lián)聯(lián)合,共同遏制中國,惟獨不肯放松其對中國的極端敵視政策。正是由于美國因素的存在,才形成了美蘇相對緩和和中美尖銳對峙的局勢,這種局勢對共同抗美的中蘇同盟構(gòu)成了嚴(yán)重的沖擊,直至同盟的最終破裂。同樣,由于美國因素的存在,中蘇關(guān)系持續(xù)緊張,但又避免了戰(zhàn)爭對抗。 第四章考察了1979-1989年中蘇關(guān)系正�；M(jìn)程中的美國因素。其中包含卡特政府末期和里根政府的中蘇政策。這十年,美國的中蘇政策的主要特點是趨向強硬。具有諷刺意味的是,同三十年前很相似,美國的對蘇對華政策再次使中蘇兩國化敵為友、握手言和,并且正常化的實現(xiàn)使兩國關(guān)系從此走向真正的成熟。本章以美國的外交政策和中蘇關(guān)系的演變?yōu)榛c,梳理和分析中蘇關(guān)系正常化進(jìn)程中的美國因素。1979至1981年,美國的對華對蘇政策由于臺灣問題及蘇美競爭的加劇而再次調(diào)整,它的外交政策中突出了反蘇反共的冷戰(zhàn)思維,致使中美關(guān)系出現(xiàn)波折,美蘇關(guān)系趨向緊張。美國政府的這種政策,使中蘇兩國又幾乎同時感到了緩和中蘇關(guān)系的戰(zhàn)略需要。這一期間的中蘇關(guān)系雖無改善,但已是黎明前最后的黑暗。1981至1989年,里根政府實行“新現(xiàn)實主義”外交政策。在美國政策的影響下,中蘇兩國在總結(jié)歷史經(jīng)驗的基礎(chǔ)上,作出了改善關(guān)系的戰(zhàn)略調(diào)整,順利完成了關(guān)系正�；M(jìn)程。 第五章結(jié)語 從美國因素的作用軌跡、效果、特點以及中蘇關(guān)系對美國的反作用等方面,對1949-1989年中蘇關(guān)系中的美國因素進(jìn)行綜合分析。1949年新中國成立前夕,基于阻止中蘇結(jié)盟的目的,美國出臺了“楔子戰(zhàn)略”,以阻止中國倒向蘇聯(lián)。然而新中國成立后新的中蘇同盟的確立和朝鮮戰(zhàn)爭爆發(fā)后中蘇友誼的鞏固以及中美兩國在朝鮮戰(zhàn)場上武力對抗局面的形成,使美國分裂中蘇關(guān)系的外交戰(zhàn)略遭遇重大挫折。50年代初,即朝鮮戰(zhàn)爭爆發(fā)后,美國對分裂中蘇關(guān)系的“楔子戰(zhàn)略”進(jìn)行了第一次調(diào)整,其戰(zhàn)略重點由出臺之初的企圖“拉”中國脫離蘇聯(lián),調(diào)整為“壓”中國脫離蘇聯(lián),美國的遏制政策由針對蘇聯(lián)一國,變成了針對中蘇兩國,它的對華政策的基本內(nèi)容也相應(yīng)變?yōu)楣铝ⅰ⒎怄i和包圍。1958年前后,基于對中蘇兩國不同的認(rèn)識,美國對分裂中蘇關(guān)系的“楔子戰(zhàn)略”進(jìn)行了第二次調(diào)整,它在繼續(xù)保持對中國的高壓遏制政策的同時開始對蘇聯(lián)實施有限緩和政策;到60年代中后期,甚至在一定程度上形成了美蘇聯(lián)合對付中國的局面。美國這種“一壓一和”的中蘇戰(zhàn)略持續(xù)了十幾年,直至1978年底中美關(guān)系實現(xiàn)正�；鸥嬉欢温�。具有諷刺意味的是,中蘇兩國因為對美戰(zhàn)略的分歧而分道揚鑣,直至武力對峙,但美國并未因為美蘇冷戰(zhàn)的大格局或中蘇關(guān)系分裂惡化的現(xiàn)實,而改變其對中蘇兩國的政策。相反它仍一味堅持?jǐn)骋曋袊恼摺Ｒ虼丝梢哉f,在中蘇關(guān)系從分歧走向破裂的過程中,美國因素客觀上起了重要作用,但主觀上美國的反應(yīng)是遲鈍的,甚至與其美蘇冷戰(zhàn)對抗的全球戰(zhàn)略是相矛盾的。1979至1989年十年間,由于美國的對蘇對華政策進(jìn)一步調(diào)整、中美關(guān)系正常化的實現(xiàn)、中國政局的變動以及美蘇冷戰(zhàn)的加劇等因素的影響,中蘇兩國的關(guān)系在對抗中逐漸醞釀轉(zhuǎn)向,最終在1989年實現(xiàn)了正�；� 概而言之,1949-1989年中蘇關(guān)系中的美國因素具有以下特點: 其一,這40年里美國對中蘇兩國的政策,是服從于美國的冷戰(zhàn)全球戰(zhàn)略的,以冷戰(zhàn)思想為指導(dǎo)。在兩極格局下,美國的對華政策更多地服從于其對蘇政策,中國不過是其冷戰(zhàn)全球戰(zhàn)略大棋局中的一顆重要棋子。無論是“拉”中國脫離蘇聯(lián)、“壓”中國與蘇聯(lián)分裂,還是“拉”蘇聯(lián)“壓”中國,美國的戰(zhàn)略目的都是削弱社會主義陣營的力量,都是為其全球戰(zhàn)略服務(wù)的。盡管縱向地看,美國的中蘇政策和戰(zhàn)略在60年代末以后是漸趨理性的,但整體來說,這期間的美國對蘇對華政策充滿了濃厚的反蘇反共的意識形態(tài)特征。 其二,這40年中美國對中蘇兩國的政策始終以美國的國家利益為基礎(chǔ)。對國家利益的追求是美國對外政策的基礎(chǔ),這一時期美國的中蘇政策也不例外。 其三,這一時期中蘇關(guān)系中的美國因素具有動態(tài)性特征。受國際國內(nèi)諸多因素的影響,美國的對蘇對華政策及其中蘇戰(zhàn)略幾經(jīng)調(diào)整。除了意識形態(tài)和國家利益的考慮,美國的對蘇對華政策及其中蘇戰(zhàn)略的制定還受到諸多因素的影響,其中既包括美國的全球戰(zhàn)略、美蘇關(guān)系、美中關(guān)系等國際因素的影響,也包括政府組織機制、官僚政治等國內(nèi)因素影響,同時經(jīng)濟(jì)因素在七十年代以后逐漸成為影響美國對蘇尤其是對華政策的非常重要的因素。 總之,一方面,1949至1989年美國達(dá)到了它要分化中蘇關(guān)系的戰(zhàn)略目的,在諸種美國因素的影響下,中蘇關(guān)系由友好同盟逐漸走向了分裂惡化。從這個角度看,美國因素在中蘇關(guān)系的發(fā)展演變過程中起了重要作用,中蘇兩國對美國的政策非常重視。另一方面,考察1949至1989年中蘇關(guān)系中的美國因素,又不能說它是完美的,因為整個美國外交政策中反蘇反共的意識形態(tài)色彩非常濃厚,五六十年代美國的對華政策尤其尖銳和充滿敵視。
[Abstract]:In terms of time, this topic covers the American factors in Sino-Soviet relations from the founding of New China to the upheaval of the Soviet Union and East China, and reflects the evolution of Sino-Soviet relations during the Cold War.
In the complicated history of the Cold War, the most unavoidable object of study is the continuous confrontation between the two superpowers. However, China's position in the Cold War is by no means insignificant. China even occupies a central position in some key points and key issues of the development of the Cold War. The evolution of the relations among China, the United States and the Soviet Union can not be ignored. During the Cold War, the evolution of the relations between the United States and the Soviet Union showed a prominent feature, that is, the changes in the relations between any two countries were deeply influenced by the third country factors. The establishment of the Sino-Soviet alliance in 1950, the deterioration of relations between the 1960s and the 1970s, the armed confrontation, and the normalization of relations in the late 1980s are all closely related to the United States. Contact.
Since China, the United States and the Soviet Union were the three great powers in the world during the cold war, and the former Soviet Union was adjacent to China, the United States had a very important external influence on China and the Soviet Union during the cold war. There is no systematic study of the American factors in Sino-Soviet relations from 1949 to 1989 in the academic circles. The relevant research is still weak and scattered, and needs to be systematic and in-depth.
This paper attempts to make a comprehensive exposition of the American factors in Sino-Soviet relations from 1949 to 1989 on the basis of full possession of relevant historical data, in accordance with the chronological order. It tries to grasp both macroscopically and concretely, with a view to deepening the study of Sino-Soviet relations and furthermore providing a valuable "observation point" for deepening the study of the history of the Cold War.
In addition to the introduction and conclusion, the main body consists of four chapters.
Chapter One explores the historical and cultural background of American foreign policy toward China and the Soviet Union from 1949 to 1989, laying the groundwork for the later discussion of American policy and strategy toward Sino-Soviet relations. As far as the United States is concerned, during the 40 years from 1949 to 1989, the United States carried out its Cold War foreign policy against the Soviet Union and the Communist Party, in addition to trying to become a world leader. In addition to practical considerations, the main reasons are the political and cultural traditions of the United States, such as the concept of mission, the sense of expansion, racism and other political and cultural traditions, as well as the impact of the historical traditions of anti-socialism and communism on the foreign policy of the country at that time. The idea of mission includes American exceptionalism, the idea of destiny, and the American idea of benevolence. This idealism of "natural mission" combines Christian universalism with the real world, and guides the general direction of American foreign policy with its unique cultural tradition. 2. Expansionism is "racial superiority." Most Americans believe that expansion is not a derogatory term, but an important means of fulfilling a "natural mission." 3. Racism. In American history, Anglo-Saxonism, which advocated that white-skinned Americans (especially British descendants) belonged to the most elite race, was very popular. They emphasized the responsibility of leading and defending the world's free states. 4. Idealism and realism. Idealism and realism intertwined. Idealism and realism, as opposed and unified poles, jointly influenced the Cold War policy of the United States. In addition, realism emphasizes the role of power, especially military power, in foreign policy, and emphasizes the safeguard of American sovereignty, security and national interests. Secondly, as an ideology, anti-communism became 1949-1989. It was under the cover of anti-communism that the United States launched a high-profile confrontation with the Soviet Union and carried out a 20-year-long containment and acute hostility toward New China. At the same time, it has something to do with the policy failures of the socialist countries. Finally, the rapid expansion of the US economy, military and other comprehensive strength after the end of the Second World War has objectively carried out its foreign policy for the United States, realized its dream of expansion and embodied its cultural characteristics. The levy created an unprecedented historical opportunity of the times. Thus, the following three chapters will be involved in the 1949-1989 relationship between the United States and the Soviet Union entanglement, mutual causal relationship.
The second chapter analyzes the American factors during the period of Sino-Soviet alliance and friendship from 1949 to 1958. During this decade, the United States, by virtue of its comprehensive economic, political and military strength, exerted a comprehensive and direct interference in Sino-Soviet relations. During this period, the United States exerted a tremendous influence on Sino-Soviet relations. From the beginning of World War II to the signing of the New Covenant between China and the Soviet Union in 1950 to the honeymoon friendship between China and the Soviet Union, the clouds over Sino-Soviet relations have always covered the United States. The strategic focus of the "wedge strategy" to split Sino-Soviet relations was changed from preventing China from aligning with the Soviet Union at the beginning of its promulgation to forcing the separation of Sino-Soviet relations through the "high-pressure" containment policy. During this period, the goal of the Sino-Soviet strategy of the United States was not achieved because of its contradictory strategy, and the only effect of the United States policy was to force itself and the social owner. China and the Soviet Union are separated, but under the background of close friendship, China and the Soviet Union are also lurking in various contradictions and crises. It is these disharmonious factors that have buried the root of the deterioration of Sino-Soviet relations.
In the last 20 years, Sino-Soviet relations have changed from ideological divergence to disintegration, and the relations between the two countries have gradually deteriorated to hostility, even once on the brink of war. In this period, the United States never abandoned the use of the "wedge strategy" to split Sino-Soviet relations, and its desire to split Sino-Soviet relations was finally realized. Ironically, as an important factor affecting Sino-Soviet relations, the deterioration of Sino-Soviet relations during this period was a significant factor. It can be said that the real process of the rupture of Sino-Soviet relations was greatly influenced by the objective factors of the United States, but the United States did not exert active influence subjectively. In other words, the United States caused the split of the Soviet Union, but did not actively use it. During this period, the United States recognized the deterioration and division of Sino-Soviet relations, but its diplomatic strategy was too strong in the Cold War thinking, in which the Soviet relations strategy and its policy toward China were too rigid. The United States has exaggerated the "China threat theory" and preferred a limited mitigation with the Soviet Union, or even a joint effort with the Soviet Union to contain China, but refused to relax its policy of extreme hostility toward China. It is precisely because of the existence of the United States that a situation of relative relaxation between the United States and the Soviet Union and the sharp confrontation between China and the United States has emerged. The Soviet Union constituted a serious shock until the alliance finally broke down. Similarly, because of the presence of the United States, Sino-Soviet relations continued to be tense, but War confrontation was avoided.
Chapter Four examines the American factors in the normalization of Sino-Soviet relations from 1979 to 1989, including the Sino-Soviet policies of the late Carter and Reagan administrations. From 1979 to 1981, the U.S. policy toward China toward the Soviet Union was strengthened by the Taiwan issue and the Soviet-American competition. The U.S. government's policy made China and the Soviet Union feel the strategic need to ease the Sino-Soviet relations almost at the same time. Darkness. From 1981 to 1989, the Reagan Administration adopted a "new realism" foreign policy. Under the influence of the American policy, China and the Soviet Union, on the basis of summing up historical experience, made strategic adjustments to improve relations and successfully completed the normalization process of relations.
The fifth chapter is conclusion.
This paper makes a comprehensive analysis of the American factors in Sino-Soviet relations from 1949 to 1989 in terms of the track, effect, characteristics of the American factors and the reactions of Sino-Soviet relations to the United States. On the eve of the founding of New China in 1949, the United States introduced a "wedge strategy" to prevent China from turning to the Soviet Union for the purpose of preventing the Sino-Soviet alliance. The establishment of the new Sino-Soviet alliance after its founding, the consolidation of Sino-Soviet friendship after the outbreak of the Korean War, and the formation of the situation of armed confrontation between the two countries in the Korean battlefield have greatly frustrated the diplomatic strategy of the United States to split Sino-Soviet relations. For the first time, its strategic focus was changed from "pulling" China out of the Soviet Union at the beginning of its promulgation to "pressing" China out of the Soviet Union. The United States'containment policy changed from targeting one country of the Soviet Union to targeting China and the Soviet Union. The basic content of its policy toward China changed accordingly into isolation, blockade and encirclement. Around 1958, it was based on China and the Soviet Union. In the middle and late 1960s, even to a certain extent, the United States and the Soviet Union joined forces to deal with China. The Sino-Soviet strategy of "One Harmony" lasted for more than ten years until the normalization of Sino-US relations at the end of 1978. Ironically, China and the Soviet Union diverged from each other because of the differences in their strategies toward the United States until they confronted each other by force. However, the United States did not change its relations because of the general pattern of the Cold War between the United States and the Soviet Union or the reality of the deterioration of the split of Sino-Soviet relations. On the contrary, China and the Soviet Union still insist on the policy of hostility to China. Therefore, it can be said that in the process of Sino-Soviet relations from divergence to rupture, the U.S. factor played an important role objectively, but subjectively, the U.S. response was slow, and even contradicted its global strategy of confrontation between the United States and the Soviet Union in the cold war. Normalization of Sino US relations due to further adjustment of the US policy towards China and the Soviet Union
【學(xué)位授予單位】：山東師范大學(xué)
【學(xué)位級別】：博士
【學(xué)位授予年份】：2008
【分類號】：D829;K153

【引證文獻(xiàn)】

相關(guān)碩士學(xué)位論文 前2條

1 王曉琳;從鷗浦鄉(xiāng)俄羅斯民族村變遷看中（蘇）俄關(guān)系的演變[D];黑龍江大學(xué);2010年

2 韓丁;中蘇關(guān)系正�；械拿绹蛩豙D];黑龍江大學(xué);2013年

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本文編號：2236756