二十世紀(jì)三十年代初美國的遠(yuǎn)東政策
[Abstract]:The Great World Economic Crisis of 1929-1933 put Japan in a desperate position. The ruling class of Japan urgently needed to find the source of raw materials and consumer markets to get rid of the economic crisis. The weakest link. So the Japanese militarists saw it as a breakthrough to destroy the Washington system.
The timing of the September 18th Incident in Japan was carefully chosen. Since the economic crisis, the U.S. government has been busy dealing with the economic crisis of the third country, which makes it difficult to deal with the world's economic affairs except economic affairs. Japan judged that if it invaded Northeast China, the possibility of American intervention was very small. Under the impetus of various factors, Japan launched the September 18th Incident. The people's government acknowledged the fait accompli of Japanese aggression and launched the "January 28" Incident. After the "January 28" Incident, Japan tried to split North China from China.
First of all, with the rise of the peace movement in the 1920s and the signing of some international peace agreements, the rulers of the United States were paralyzed. They were immersed in illusory peace and were not prepared for emergencies. At one point, the U.S. government misjudged it as a local conflict, an unauthorized action by the Kwangtung Army, and the Japanese government did not participate. It is also important to note that differences within the U.S. government also delayed the handling of the crisis. It was only after the Japanese bombing of Jinzhou that the U.S. attitude towards Japan began to become tough, and so-called toughness was limited to verbal and moral condemnation. Can seriously harm the interests of the United States, the United States issued the strongest note since the September 18th Incident - "non-recognition" note, indicating that the United States Government does not recognize Japan through force to illegally change the Far East order.
Strictly speaking, the Jan. 28 Incident was part of the September 18 Incident. The main purpose of the Jan. 28 Incident was to divert the world's attention from the Northeast so that Manchukuo powder could be put on the scene. The United States reacted quickly to the Jan. 28 Incident. On the one hand, it mediated quickly and went to Japan for mediation. This protest. On the other hand, the United States is constantly mobilizing its forces to prevent accidental and concurrent pressure on Japan. In addition, unlike the response of the United States at the time of September 18th, the United States pays attention to bringing together other powers and the League of Nations to exert strong international pressure on Japan. It can take the initiative to use the strength of the international community to exert pressure on Japan, but it is not strong enough to take economic sanctions and other powerful means to contain Japan's aggression.
After the January 28 Incident, with the release of the report of the Lighton Mission, China and Japan fought against the League of Nations around the report of the Lighton Mission. Just as Britain wanted to compromise with Japan, Stimson issued a note in favour of China with the consent of the new President Roosevelt. The note aroused strong repercussions around the world, and this was the case. The union avoided the danger of compromise with Japan.
Since then, Japan has stepped up its aggression against northern China, causing the North China Incident. China has been resisting and compromising in order to win the time to prepare for war. The United States has also stepped up its support for China during this period, such as strengthening China's national strength through cotton and wheat loans. After President Roosevelt took office, he adopted the policy of doing more than saying on the Far East in order to concentrate on solving economic problems. On the premise of avoiding a positive conflict with Japan, he continued to implement the policy of "no recognition". In the early years of Roosevelt's administration, the Far East policy of the United States was conservative, but conservative also implied changes. In order to cope with the possible future U.S. -Japan Pacific hegemony, the United States on the one hand strengthened its military strength, especially the naval strength, on the other hand, in order to delay the arrival of the Japanese-American conflict and balance Japan. The US government has adopted a good neighbourly policy to improve relations with Japan and Russia.
【學(xué)位授予單位】:安徽大學(xué)
【學(xué)位級別】:碩士
【學(xué)位授予年份】:2011
【分類號】:K712
【參考文獻(xiàn)】
相關(guān)期刊論文 前10條
1 龍宏甫;國家利益與外交政策的選擇——兼評1931—1933年遠(yuǎn)東危機(jī)中蘇美等國的對日政策[J];安慶師范學(xué)院學(xué)報(bào)(社會科學(xué)版);2003年04期
2 王立新;張曉霞;;20世紀(jì)30年代美國的東亞政策述論[J];北華大學(xué)學(xué)報(bào)(社會科學(xué)版);2010年01期
3 趙文莉;;孤立主義勢力對美國遠(yuǎn)東政策的影響[J];北京聯(lián)合大學(xué)學(xué)報(bào)(人文社會科學(xué)版);2006年04期
4 許一多,周俊峰;實(shí)用主義:美國的外交哲學(xué)[J];長白學(xué)刊;2002年05期
5 劉詠華;論太平洋戰(zhàn)爭前10年的日美關(guān)系[J];東北師大學(xué)報(bào);2003年06期
6 羅文彥;;美國擴(kuò)張主義和孤立主義外交政策的關(guān)聯(lián)[J];西華師范大學(xué)學(xué)報(bào)(哲學(xué)社會科學(xué)版);2006年01期
7 吳嘉靜;“門戶開放”:美國對華政策史一頁[J];復(fù)旦學(xué)報(bào)(社會科學(xué)版);1980年05期
8 陳永祥;;1933年《中美棉麥借款協(xié)定》再評析[J];廣州大學(xué)學(xué)報(bào)(社會科學(xué)版);2007年04期
9 周真剛;從威爾遜到羅斯福時(shí)期美國的對外政策[J];貴州民族學(xué)院學(xué)報(bào)(哲學(xué)社會科學(xué)版);2003年04期
10 楊秀林;羅斯福對美國外交方針的變革及新政的結(jié)束——新政研究之二[J];湖北師范學(xué)院學(xué)報(bào)(哲學(xué)社會科學(xué)版);1991年01期
,本文編號:2210170
本文鏈接:http://sikaile.net/shekelunwen/xifanglishiwenhua/2210170.html