【摘要】：納粹德國(guó)只存在十二年的時(shí)間,然而史學(xué)家對(duì)這段歷史的研究興趣始終沒(méi)有減退。如今,對(duì)納粹德國(guó)歷史的研究視角逐漸從軍事、外交和種族政策擴(kuò)展到社會(huì)政策。在社會(huì)政策研究中,勞資關(guān)系是十分重要的一環(huán),卻也是十分棘手的一環(huán)。之所以重要,是因?yàn)閯谫Y關(guān)系是自工業(yè)革命以來(lái)各時(shí)期德國(guó)政府都必須面對(duì)的問(wèn)題,納粹政府也不會(huì)例外;之所以棘手,是因?yàn)閭鹘y(tǒng)的歷史研究已經(jīng)為納粹的勞工政策套上了強(qiáng)烈的價(jià)值取向,把納粹的勞工政策斥責(zé)為“欺騙”。然而這并不能完全解釋納粹時(shí)期較為平穩(wěn)的勞資關(guān)系。研究者仍在追問(wèn):納粹政府究竟采用了什么方式穩(wěn)住了其統(tǒng)治期間的勞資關(guān)系?筆者試圖對(duì)這一問(wèn)題進(jìn)行回答。 本文認(rèn)為,納粹時(shí)期的勞資關(guān)系呈現(xiàn)出一種完全不同于魏瑪共和國(guó)時(shí)期和聯(lián)邦德國(guó)時(shí)期的模式。這種被稱為“企業(yè)共同體”的勞資關(guān)系模式萌芽于帝國(guó)時(shí)期,在魏瑪共和國(guó)末期由保守企業(yè)主提出,并最終因?yàn)榕c納粹黨的“民族共同體”思想契合而被納入納粹勞動(dòng)法。本文考察的便是這種勞資關(guān)系模式的歷史由來(lái)、在納粹黨執(zhí)政期間的實(shí)踐情況及效果。本文采用大量德語(yǔ)文獻(xiàn)資料和研究著作,側(cè)重于從社會(huì)史的角度考察納粹時(shí)期的“企業(yè)共同體”勞資關(guān)系模式,著眼于各方所處的真實(shí)社會(huì)環(huán)境,并考查這些社會(huì)環(huán)境對(duì)當(dāng)事人產(chǎn)生的影響。 本文分為緒言、正文和結(jié)語(yǔ)三個(gè)部分。正文按照時(shí)間順序,分六個(gè)章節(jié)展開(kāi),逐一分析魏瑪共和國(guó)勞資關(guān)系民主化進(jìn)程的失敗、魏瑪共和國(guó)末期右翼勞資關(guān)系觀、納粹德國(guó)“企業(yè)共同體”勞資關(guān)系模式的建立、發(fā)展、變化與戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)對(duì)這種勞資關(guān)系模式的影響。 第一章是全文的前奏,著重探討魏瑪共和國(guó)勞資關(guān)系民主化進(jìn)程失敗的原因。作為德意志歷史上第一個(gè)民主共和國(guó),魏瑪共和國(guó)的民主不僅體現(xiàn)在政治制度上,而且也反映在經(jīng)濟(jì)生活中,尤其是建立了跨企業(yè)層面的集體合同制和企業(yè)層面的企業(yè)共決制雙重機(jī)制,是德國(guó)勞資關(guān)系民主化進(jìn)程的重大進(jìn)步。但是這些民主機(jī)制沒(méi)有真正發(fā)揮作用,一方面由于戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)賠款等不利因素給德國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)復(fù)蘇帶來(lái)沉重包袱,另一方面勞資雙方并沒(méi)有真正接受民主制度,缺乏階級(jí)合作的誠(chéng)意。魏瑪共和國(guó)后期,勞資關(guān)系不斷惡化,政府無(wú)法坐視勞資斗爭(zhēng)危及社會(huì)穩(wěn)定,因此通過(guò)國(guó)家強(qiáng)制調(diào)解逐步取代勞資自主談判機(jī)制。 第二章分析魏瑪共和國(guó)時(shí)期右翼勞資關(guān)系觀。魏瑪共和國(guó)末期,企業(yè)主、包括知識(shí)分子和納粹黨在內(nèi)的多方保守力量都提出用共同體思想解決勞資沖突。企業(yè)家提出“企業(yè)共同體”思想,這種思想有其歷史淵源,早在19世紀(jì)工業(yè)化進(jìn)程中就被開(kāi)明企業(yè)主用于實(shí)踐。它反對(duì)勞資利益團(tuán)體談判的模式,反對(duì)企業(yè)外部組織如工會(huì)和國(guó)家對(duì)勞資關(guān)系的干涉,提倡在企業(yè)內(nèi)部建立由企業(yè)主領(lǐng)導(dǎo)的、企業(yè)主和職工共同參與的勞資對(duì)話和共決機(jī)制,并推行與之相應(yīng)的企業(yè)福利政策,通過(guò)這些福利政策喚醒工人的企業(yè)歸屬感。而此時(shí)的納粹黨雖然只有模糊的政治經(jīng)濟(jì)綱領(lǐng),尚無(wú)明確清晰的勞工政策,但是也希望通過(guò)“民族共同體”思想來(lái)融合勞資矛盾。“企業(yè)共同體”思想與“民族共同體”思想之間存在很大共性,這是納粹上臺(tái)后將“企業(yè)共同體”思想寫(xiě)入勞動(dòng)法的主要原因。 第三章考察1933年到1934年初“企業(yè)共同體”勞資關(guān)系模式的建立。納粹黨上臺(tái)后,改組企業(yè)代表會(huì),取締各種工會(huì)組織,通過(guò)各種手段去除魏瑪共和國(guó)時(shí)期確立的民主勞資關(guān)系調(diào)節(jié)機(jī)制。希特勒拒絕成立納粹工會(huì),而是建立起由企業(yè)主、工人、職員、自由職業(yè)者等參加的跨階級(jí)組織“德意志勞動(dòng)陣線”。在這一時(shí)期,納粹黨面臨的最大任務(wù)是穩(wěn)定政權(quán)、消除失業(yè)率,拉動(dòng)經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展。因此它采取拉攏大企業(yè)主保守勢(shì)力的策略,并暫時(shí)向他們讓步,去除德意志勞動(dòng)陣線協(xié)調(diào)勞資關(guān)系的職能,并于1934年初頒布《民族勞動(dòng)秩序法》,確立“企業(yè)共同體”勞資關(guān)系模式,賦予企業(yè)主極大的自主權(quán)。 第四章是本文的重點(diǎn),詳細(xì)研究1934年到1936年“企業(yè)共同體”勞資關(guān)系模式的實(shí)踐情況。按照《民族勞動(dòng)秩序法》,“企業(yè)共同體”勞資關(guān)系模式的各機(jī)構(gòu)紛紛建立,如跨企業(yè)層面的勞動(dòng)托事和社會(huì)榮譽(yù)法庭,企業(yè)層面的企業(yè)領(lǐng)袖、企業(yè)規(guī)章,信任代表會(huì)等。與此同時(shí),德意志勞動(dòng)陣線逐步擺脫納粹思想教育的職能限定,獲得監(jiān)督企業(yè)共同體的權(quán)力,并在企業(yè)福利政策等方面對(duì)企業(yè)共同體施加影響,成為納粹黨在勞資關(guān)系上的代言人。但這一階段納粹黨的主要目標(biāo)仍然是消除失業(yè)、發(fā)展經(jīng)濟(jì),因此它并未對(duì)企業(yè)共同體進(jìn)行大規(guī)模干預(yù),而且還通過(guò)勞動(dòng)托事幫助企業(yè)減少經(jīng)濟(jì)壓力,鼓勵(lì)企業(yè)吸納失業(yè)人員。勞工雖然失去了組建利益代表組織的權(quán)利,但獲得了就業(yè)的機(jī)會(huì),而且企業(yè)福利的改善也讓他們感覺(jué)自己的地位有所提高,因而對(duì)“企業(yè)共同體”勞資關(guān)系模式表現(xiàn)出容忍和順從的態(tài)度。 第五章重點(diǎn)分析1936年“四年計(jì)劃”頒布到1939年發(fā)動(dòng)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)期間“企業(yè)共同體”勞資關(guān)系模式的變化。在解決失業(yè)、復(fù)蘇經(jīng)濟(jì)之后,納粹黨將加大擴(kuò)軍備戰(zhàn)力度作為這一階段的目標(biāo),它要求德國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)“四年之后必須能支撐戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)”,而此時(shí)勞工卻開(kāi)始利用有利的勞動(dòng)力市場(chǎng)頻繁跳槽、要求漲工資。在這個(gè)背景下,避免勞工不良情緒、保證企業(yè)平穩(wěn)生產(chǎn)成為納粹德國(guó)企業(yè)政策的重點(diǎn)。一方面,納粹黨通過(guò)德意志勞動(dòng)陣線在企業(yè)內(nèi)成立“工廠突擊隊(duì)”,加大力度監(jiān)督企業(yè)主和勞工,開(kāi)展“納粹企業(yè)效率競(jìng)賽”,以擴(kuò)軍備戰(zhàn)和提高生產(chǎn)效率為目標(biāo)發(fā)展企業(yè)福利;另一方面納粹政府?dāng)U大勞動(dòng)托事的職權(quán),令其限定某些行業(yè)的最高工資、限制勞動(dòng)力流動(dòng)。在這樣的背景下,“企業(yè)共同體”勞資關(guān)系模式發(fā)生了變化,企業(yè)家的自主權(quán)逐步縮小,納粹黨和國(guó)家的統(tǒng)一調(diào)控加強(qiáng)。 第六章分析戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)對(duì)“企業(yè)共同體”勞資關(guān)系模式的影響。為了保證戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的順利進(jìn)行,納粹政府開(kāi)始全面控制經(jīng)濟(jì),尤其是對(duì)企業(yè)的控制達(dá)到空前。勞動(dòng)托事機(jī)構(gòu)規(guī)模迅速擴(kuò)大,并獲得處罰權(quán),可以有效地監(jiān)管每個(gè)企業(yè)在戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)中的行為。德意志勞動(dòng)陣線也不再以發(fā)展企業(yè)福利為工作重點(diǎn),而是為國(guó)家戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)政策服務(wù),在企業(yè)中加強(qiáng)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)宣傳,督促勞工加緊工作。在戰(zhàn)前用來(lái)教育和警示不良企業(yè)主的社會(huì)榮譽(yù)法庭陷于停頓,取而代之的對(duì)勞動(dòng)紀(jì)律渙散的勞工進(jìn)行處罰的監(jiān)獄和勞動(dòng)教養(yǎng)所。但與此同時(shí),納粹政府也吸取了第一次世界大戰(zhàn)的教訓(xùn),盡量不讓?xiě)?zhàn)爭(zhēng)期間的工資和勞動(dòng)條件低于勞工的承受底線。 在結(jié)語(yǔ)部分,筆者試圖從微觀、中觀和宏觀三個(gè)層次分析納粹德國(guó)“企業(yè)共同體”勞資關(guān)系模式的形成、實(shí)踐特點(diǎn)和作用,該個(gè)案對(duì)于認(rèn)識(shí)納粹主義所能提供的幫助以及這種勞資關(guān)系的局限性和生命力。
[Abstract]:Nazi Germany only existed for twelve years, but historians have never lost interest in this history. Now, the perspective of the history of Nazi Germany has gradually expanded from military, diplomatic and racial policies to social policy. In the study of social policy, labor relations are a very important link, but also a very difficult part. The reason is that the labor relations are the problems that the German government must face since the industrial revolution, and the Nazi government is no exception. The reason is that the traditional historical research has set up a strong value orientation for the Nazi Labor Policy and reprimand the Nazi Labor Policy as "deception". It does not fully explain the more stable labor relations in the Nazi period. The researchers are still asking what the Nazi government has adopted to stabilize the labor relations during its rule, and I try to answer this question.
This article holds that the labor relations in the Nazi period showed a pattern that was completely different from the period of the Republic of Weimar and the period of the Federal Republic of Germany. This mode of labor relations, known as the "enterprise community", sprout in the period of the Empire, was put forward by the conservative entrepreneurs at the end of the Republic of Weimar, and finally because of the "national community of the Nazi party". "The thought fits into the Nazi Labor Law. This article examines the historical origin of this mode of labor relations and the practice and effect of the Nazi party in power. This article uses a large number of German literature and research works, focusing on the" enterprise community "model of the" enterprise community "in the Nazi period from the perspective of social history, Eye in the real social environment of the parties, and examine the impact of these social environment on the parties.
This article is divided into three parts: the preface, the text and the conclusion. The text is divided into six chapters in accordance with the time sequence. The failure of the process of democratization of labor relations in the Republic of Weimar is analyzed one by one. The labor relations view of the right wing in the late Weimar Republic and the establishment, development, change and war of the labor and capital model of the Nazi German "enterprise community" The influence of the relationship pattern.
The first chapter is the prelude to the full text, focusing on the reasons for the failure of the process of Democratic Labor Relations democratization in the Republic of Weimar. As the first democratic republic in German history, democracy in the Republic of Weimar is not only reflected in the political system, but also reflected in the economic life, especially the establishment of the collective contract system and the enterprise layer across the enterprise level. The dual mechanism of enterprise common decision system is a major progress in the process of democratization of labor relations in Germany. But these democratic mechanisms do not really play a role. On the one hand, the adverse factors such as war indemnity and other adverse factors have brought heavy burden on the economic recovery of Germany, on the other hand, there is no real acceptance of democracy and lack of class cooperation. In the later period of the Republic of Weimar, the relations between labor and capital were deteriorating, and the government was unable to sit through the labor struggle to endanger the stability of the society. Therefore, the mechanism of independent labor and capital negotiation was gradually replaced by state compulsory mediation.
The second chapter analyzes the right wing labor relations view in the Republic of Weimar. At the end of the Republic of Weimar, the enterprise owners, including the intellectuals and the Nazi party, put forward a community thought to solve the labor conflict. The entrepreneurs put forward the idea of "enterprise community". This thought has its historical origin, as early as the process of industrialization in nineteenth Century. It is used by the enlightened enterprise owners in practice. It is opposed to the mode of negotiations between labor and capital interests, and against external organizations such as trade unions and state interference in labor relations, advocating the establishment of a labor and capital dialogue and co decision mechanism led by the business owners, the owners and the workers in the enterprise, and the implementation of the corresponding corporate welfare policies. Through these welfare policies, the Nazi party, although only a vague political and economic programme, has no clear and clear labor policy, but it also hopes to integrate the contradiction between labor and capital through the "national community" thought. There is a great common between "enterprise community" and "national community". This is the main reason why the Nazi came into power and wrote the idea of "corporate community" into the labor law.
The third chapter examines the establishment of the industrial relations model of the "enterprise community" from 1933 to early 1934. After the Nazi Party came to power, it reorganized the enterprise representatives and banned all kinds of trade union organizations. Through various means, the Democratic Labor Relations regulation mechanism established during the period of the Republic of Weimar was removed. Hitler refused to establish the Nazi trade union, but set up a business owner. In this period, the greatest task faced by the Nazi party was to stabilize the political power, eliminate the unemployment rate and promote economic development. Therefore, the Nazi Party adopted the strategy of drawing close to the conservative forces of the big business owners and conceded to them for the time being, to remove the German labor front to coordinate work. The function of capital relations and promulgated the "national labor Order Act" in early 1934, established the "enterprise community" mode of labor relations, giving the owners great autonomy.
The fourth chapter is the key point of this article. The practice of the labor relations model of "enterprise community" from 1934 to 1936 is studied in detail. According to the law of national labor order, the institutions of labor relations in the enterprise community are set up in succession, such as the labor support and the social honor court across the enterprise level, enterprise leaders at the enterprise level, and the enterprise rules. At the same time, the Deutsche labor front gradually broke away from the function limit of Nazi ideological education, obtained the power to supervise the enterprise community and exerted influence on the enterprise community in the enterprise welfare policy, and became a representative of the Nazi party in the labor relations. But the main goal of the Nazi party in this stage is still to be the main goal of the Nazi party. In order to eliminate unemployment and develop the economy, it does not interfere with the business community in a large scale, and it also helps enterprises to reduce the economic pressure and encourage enterprises to absorb the unemployed. Although the labor has lost the right to organize the interests of the organization, it has obtained the opportunity for employment, and the improvement of the welfare of the enterprise also makes them feel the same. Their position has improved, so they show tolerance and submissive attitude towards the "enterprise community" mode of labor relations.
The fifth chapter focuses on the analysis of the changes in the labor relations model of the "enterprise community" during the "four year plan" of 1936 and the "enterprise community" during the war in 1939. After solving the unemployment and the recovery of the economy, the Nazi party will increase the strength of the armies to prepare for the war. It requires the German economy to "be able to support the war in four years", and at this time, the German economy will be able to support the war. Workers are starting to use the favorable labor market to jump frequently and demand higher wages. In this context, it is necessary to avoid the bad mood of labor and ensure that the smooth production of enterprises is the focus of the Nazi German enterprise policy. On the one hand, the Nazi Party established the "factory commando" through the Deutsche labor front in the enterprise and strengthened the supervision of the business owners. On the other hand, the Nazi government expanded the power of the labor support to limit the highest wages in some industries and limit the flow of labor. In this context, the labor relations model of the "enterprise community" has changed. The autonomy of entrepreneurs gradually shrinks, and the unified regulation and control of the Nazi Party and the state are strengthened.
The sixth chapter analyzes the impact of the war on the "enterprise community" mode of labor relations. In order to ensure the smooth progress of the war, the Nazi government began to control the economy in an all-round way, especially the control of the enterprises. The scale of the labor agency was expanded rapidly, and the power of punishment was obtained, and the behavior of each enterprise in the war could be effectively regulated. The wills will no longer focus on the development of enterprise welfare, but serve the national war policy, strengthen war propaganda and urge labor to tighten work. The social honor court used to educate and warn bad entrepreneurs before the war is stopped and replaced by penitentiary penitentiary for labor disciplined labourers. But at the same time, the Nazi government learned the lessons of the first World War and tried not to allow wages and labour conditions during the war to be lower than that of the labourers.
In the concluding part, the author tries to analyze the formation of the labor relations model of the "enterprise community" of Nazi Germany from three levels of microcosmic, meso and macro levels, and its practical characteristics and functions. The case is helpful to the understanding of Nazism and the limitations and vitality of this kind of labor relations.
【學(xué)位授予單位】：華東師范大學(xué)
【學(xué)位級(jí)別】：博士
【學(xué)位授予年份】：2009
【分類號(hào)】：F249.516;K516.44

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