本文選題：英國婦女社會(huì)政治同盟 + 埃米琳·潘克赫斯特��； 參考：《華東師范大學(xué)》2007年博士論文

【摘要】： 埃米琳·潘克赫斯特及其長女克麗絲特布爾于1903年創(chuàng)立了著名的婦女參政組織——英國婦女社會(huì)政治同盟，該組織的口號(hào)是“要行動(dòng)，不要空話”(Deeds，not Words)。在1905-1914年期間，同盟為了給政府制造壓力，以達(dá)到獲得議會(huì)選舉權(quán)的目標(biāo)，掀起了一場(chǎng)前所未有的爭取選舉權(quán)運(yùn)動(dòng)。從干擾政治家集會(huì)、組織游行示威，到砸窗戶、縱火、制造爆炸事件等，期間展開絕食行動(dòng)甚至有成員自戕于御馬蹄下。這場(chǎng)運(yùn)動(dòng)在早期采用溫和的方式爭取權(quán)利未果的情況下，行為方式不斷升級(jí)直至采取激進(jìn)的暴力形式，震撼了整個(gè)英國乃至世界。潘克赫斯特家族及這場(chǎng)激進(jìn)的婦女參政運(yùn)動(dòng)直到今天依然留存于歐美大眾的公共記憶之中，因其獨(dú)特性及其所彰顯出的豐蘊(yùn)的歷史內(nèi)涵在婦女參政史上占有舉足輕重的地位。同時(shí)，這場(chǎng)運(yùn)動(dòng)蘊(yùn)涵的帶有普遍意義的眾多問題依然值得我們深思。 本課題研究主要圍繞如下問題展開：第一，參政運(yùn)動(dòng)是在何種形勢(shì)下產(chǎn)生的；第二，參政運(yùn)動(dòng)的過程及特性是怎樣的；第三，如何認(rèn)識(shí)與評(píng)價(jià)這場(chǎng)運(yùn)動(dòng)。本文擬以以下幾個(gè)部分來解答上述問題。 導(dǎo)言部分主要介紹了作者的研究動(dòng)因、國內(nèi)外有關(guān)該課題學(xué)術(shù)研究的狀況以及本文的研究思路和基本框架。 第一、二章主要嘗試回答第一個(gè)問題：這一部分為理解這場(chǎng)運(yùn)動(dòng)提供了較為閎闊的歷史視野，一方面對(duì)運(yùn)動(dòng)發(fā)生的歷史形勢(shì)作了探討，對(duì)20世紀(jì)初婦女參政運(yùn)動(dòng)的社會(huì)文化進(jìn)行溯源，考察了女性的權(quán)利意識(shí)如何得到啟蒙和發(fā)展并就運(yùn)動(dòng)發(fā)生的大的歷史背景作了一定的分析與探討；另一方面對(duì)其核心領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人埃米琳·潘克赫斯特作了介紹，以更好地理解這場(chǎng)運(yùn)動(dòng)之發(fā)生。19世紀(jì)以來，盡管女性社會(huì)地位得到提高、活動(dòng)邊界有所擴(kuò)大，但仍缺席于民主化議會(huì)改革進(jìn)程中。其中維多利亞時(shí)代的主流性別觀念成為女性爭取權(quán)利的巨大障礙。婦女參政者窮盡所能采取的憲政方式來爭取這一平等的政治權(quán)利毫無成效的同時(shí)，19世紀(jì)以來男性爭取權(quán)利的激進(jìn)主義行為卻給處于困境的婦女參政者提供了示范的榜樣——只有行動(dòng)才能步步推進(jìn)改革。社會(huì)政治同盟的核心領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人埃米琳·潘克赫斯特正是在這場(chǎng)運(yùn)動(dòng)中崛起的。通過對(duì)埃米琳·潘克赫斯特的成長背景及其早期政治生涯的了解，為我們提供了理解個(gè)人要素在催生歷史運(yùn)動(dòng)時(shí)所起的作用，也有助于更為深入與全面的理解同盟參政運(yùn)動(dòng)的緣起和發(fā)展。 第三、四章是對(duì)上述第二個(gè)問題的回應(yīng)。在廣泛占有大量的第一手資料及新近挖掘的史料基礎(chǔ)上，盡量客觀地呈現(xiàn)接近歷史真相的運(yùn)動(dòng)。筆者把1905-1914年間同盟發(fā)起的參政運(yùn)動(dòng)分為三個(gè)階段。第一階段是1905-1907年，這是激進(jìn)參政運(yùn)動(dòng)的興起階段；第二階段：1908-1912年，同盟的行動(dòng)演變?yōu)橛泄?jié)制的暴力行動(dòng)；第三階段：1912-1914年，同盟的暴力行動(dòng)達(dá)到頂峰，方式擴(kuò)大到使用破壞公共設(shè)施、破壞藝術(shù)品、縱火和使用炸彈等等，呈現(xiàn)出恐怖主義等多種特征。同時(shí)，就同盟參政運(yùn)動(dòng)中的宣傳策略進(jìn)行分析。這場(chǎng)運(yùn)動(dòng)是以其激進(jìn)行為方式而知名的，但是很多人卻忽略了這場(chǎng)運(yùn)動(dòng)卓有成效的宣傳策略。行動(dòng)和言辭實(shí)際上是組成同盟參政運(yùn)動(dòng)的兩個(gè)核心部分。因此通過對(duì)同盟與大眾媒體間互動(dòng)關(guān)系的研究，為理解這場(chǎng)運(yùn)動(dòng)提供了一個(gè)新的視角�？梢哉f，同盟和媒體關(guān)系的研究是目前參政運(yùn)動(dòng)研究中一個(gè)最新的研究路徑，由這個(gè)新視角出發(fā)，使我們對(duì)同盟婦女參政運(yùn)動(dòng)戰(zhàn)斗策略以外的媒體宣傳策略有了進(jìn)一步的理解和思考。 對(duì)這場(chǎng)運(yùn)動(dòng)的評(píng)價(jià)性分析集中在五、六兩章。通過以上多角度的對(duì)運(yùn)動(dòng)緣起、進(jìn)程、特征、戰(zhàn)斗策略和媒體策略的描述和分析，無疑引發(fā)我們對(duì)這場(chǎng)運(yùn)動(dòng)的性質(zhì)的思考。這場(chǎng)運(yùn)動(dòng)究竟是一場(chǎng)理性的，還是非理性的參政運(yùn)動(dòng)?它所實(shí)施的策略在整個(gè)婦女參政運(yùn)動(dòng)中究竟起到一種什么樣的作用?參政運(yùn)動(dòng)存在著哪些缺憾?筆者在依據(jù)大量的歷史事實(shí)的基礎(chǔ)上，做出了自己的分析和判斷。此外，就這場(chǎng)運(yùn)動(dòng)而言，在歷史不同時(shí)期，公眾對(duì)它的認(rèn)識(shí)與評(píng)價(jià)也是不同的。這一部分的寫作從公共記憶史角度對(duì)同盟的激進(jìn)參政運(yùn)動(dòng)作了探尋，考察了第一次世界大戰(zhàn)后長時(shí)段歷史進(jìn)程中關(guān)于戰(zhàn)斗參政者的公共記憶的建構(gòu)的歷程。戰(zhàn)斗參政者是如何從最初政府眼中的暴徒成為大眾文化中的英雄偶像?對(duì)同盟的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人埃米琳·潘克赫斯特公共記憶的形象建構(gòu)將成為探尋和分析的中心。以社會(huì)記憶理論為參照，嘗試找尋關(guān)于這場(chǎng)參政運(yùn)動(dòng)公共記憶的建構(gòu)方式以及背后的推動(dòng)力量，從而解讀出人們是如何制造了這場(chǎng)婦女參政運(yùn)動(dòng)歷史的神話，而戰(zhàn)斗參政者的精神又是如何被保留和傳遞的。通過公共記憶的研究使人們對(duì)這場(chǎng)運(yùn)動(dòng)有了更為縱深的理解，而不是簡單的囿于運(yùn)動(dòng)本身。同時(shí)，公共記憶也能充分體現(xiàn)出人們對(duì)這場(chǎng)運(yùn)動(dòng)動(dòng)態(tài)的認(rèn)識(shí)過程，促使我們思考記憶和歷史的關(guān)系。 最后，，對(duì)這場(chǎng)運(yùn)動(dòng)蘊(yùn)涵的一系列問題，文中也提出了一些思考：如女性的現(xiàn)代性問題，英國的民主化進(jìn)程問題及當(dāng)下境遇中現(xiàn)存體制外沒有涉及或者無法解決的問題如何在體制內(nèi)實(shí)現(xiàn)等諸多問題。與以往的爭取平等選舉權(quán)利的女性相比，同盟成員無疑彰顯出了更為自覺和主動(dòng)的主體性意識(shí)�？梢哉f，這場(chǎng)運(yùn)動(dòng)為我們提供了一個(gè)反省這些問題的參照。
[Abstract]:Emmeline Pankhurst and his eldest daughter, Chris Turnbull, founded the famous British women's political alliance in 1903, the British women's social and political alliance. The slogan was "Deeds, not Words". During the 1905-1914 years, the alliance made pressure on the government to achieve the right to vote in Parliament. It set off an unprecedented campaign to fight for the right to vote. From interfering with politicians' gatherings, organizing demonstrations, breaking windows, arson, making explosions, etc., during a hunger strike and even a member who killed himself under the horseshoe. The Pankhurst family and the radical women's political movement still remain in the public memory of the European and American masses until today, and the radical and violent form of violence, which still holds the pivotal position in the history of women's political participation. At that time, many problems with universal significance in this movement still deserve our deep consideration.
This topic mainly focuses on the following questions: first, the political participation movement is produced under the circumstances; second, what is the process and characteristics of the political participation movement; third, how to understand and evaluate the movement. This article is to answer the above questions.
The introductory part mainly introduces the research motivation of the author, the status of academic research on this subject both at home and abroad, and the research train of thought and basic framework of this article.
The first, second chapter mainly tries to answer the first question: this part provides a broader historical perspective for understanding the movement. On the one hand, it explores the historical situation of the movement, traced the social culture of the women's political participation movement in the early twentieth Century, and inspected how the women's rights consciousness was enlightened and developed and carried out. On the other hand, Emmeline Pankhurst, the core leader of the movement, was introduced to better understand the movement, in order to better understand the movement of the.19 century, although the social status of women has been improved, the activity boundary has expanded, but it is still absent from the process of democratic parliamentary reform. Among them, the mainstream gender concept in the age of Vitoria has become a huge obstacle for women to win rights. Women's politicians have exhausted the constitutional way they can take in order to win this equal political rights. At the same time, the radicalism of male striving for rights has provided a demonstration of women's political participants in the difficult situation since nineteenth Century. Example - only action can advance the reform step by step. The core leader of the social and political alliance, Emmeline Pankhurst, is rising in this movement. Through the understanding of Emmeline Pankhurst's growing background and his early political career, we have provided us with the understanding of the individual elements in the birth of the historical movement. It also helps to understand the origin and development of the alliance political participation more deeply and comprehensively.
The third, fourth chapter is the response to the above second problems. On the basis of extensive possession of a large number of first-hand information and newly excavated historical materials, the movement of approaching the truth of history is presented as objectively as possible. The author divides the political participation movement initiated by the alliance in three stages in 1905-1914 years. The first stage is 1905-1907 years, which is the radical political participation movement. The second stage: 1908-1912 years, the alliance's action evolved into a temperate and violent action; in the third stage, in the 1912-1914 year, the alliance's violence reached its peak, expanded to the use of destruction of public facilities, the destruction of art, the arson and the use of bombs, and so on. The campaign is an analysis of the propaganda strategy. This movement is known for its radical behavior, but many people ignore the effective propaganda strategy. Actions and words are actually the two core parts of the Confederate political movement. So, through the study of the interaction between the alliance and the mass media, the understanding of the interaction between the alliance and the mass media is understood. This movement provides a new perspective. It can be said that the research of alliance and media relations is the latest research path in the present study of the political participation movement. From this new perspective, we have a further understanding and consideration of the media propaganda strategy outside the fighting strategy of the Allied women's political participation in political movement.
The Evaluative Analysis of this movement is concentrated in five, 62 chapters. The description and analysis of the origin, process, characteristics, combat strategy and media strategy of the movement above will undoubtedly cause us to think about the nature of the movement. Is this movement a rational, or irrational participation in political participation? The strategy it implements What kind of role does it play in the whole women's political participation movement? What shortcomings exist in the political participation movement? I have made his own analysis and judgment on the basis of a large number of historical facts. In addition, in this movement, in different historical periods, the public's understanding and evaluation are different. From the perspective of the history of public memory, we explored the movement of the radical political participation of the alliance, and examined the course of the construction of the public memory of the fighting participants in the long period of the first World War. The image construction of Eeline Pankhurst's public memory will be the center of exploration and analysis. Taking the social memory theory as the reference, it tries to find out the way of construction and the driving force behind the public memory of the political participation movement, so as to explain how people made the myth of the history of the women's political participation. The spirit of the political person is also preserved and transferred. Through the study of public memory, people have a deeper understanding of the movement, rather than simply constrained by the movement itself. At the same time, public memory can fully reflect the process of understanding the movement of the movement, and urge us to think about the relationship between memory and history.
In the end, a series of questions contained in this movement are also put forward, such as the question of the modernity of women, the problem of the process of democratization in Britain and how the problems that are not involved or unsolved in the present situation are realized in the system. By comparison, the members of the alliance undoubtedly show a more conscious and active sense of subjectivity, which can be referred to as a reflection of these questions.

【學(xué)位授予單位】：華東師范大學(xué)
【學(xué)位級(jí)別】：博士
【學(xué)位授予年份】：2007
【分類號(hào)】：K561.4

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