本文選題：集體暴力 + 達(dá)爾富爾��； 參考：《外交學(xué)院》2009年博士論文

【摘要】： 2003年,蘇丹西部的達(dá)爾富爾地區(qū)爆發(fā)了嚴(yán)重的暴力沖突,其后不斷升級(jí)。自獨(dú)立以來(lái),蘇丹就陷入了持久的內(nèi)戰(zhàn)之中,宗教差異也一直是外界闡釋蘇丹內(nèi)戰(zhàn)原因的重要層面,但以相同的視角來(lái)分析達(dá)爾富爾危機(jī)卻是行不通的,因?yàn)樵谶@里,不論是非洲黑人還是阿拉伯人都是伊斯蘭教的信奉者。 關(guān)于暴力和大規(guī)模暴力爆發(fā)的原因,許多學(xué)者給了我們不同的闡釋,查爾斯·蒂利為我們提供了新的研究視角。在《集體暴力的政治》這本書(shū)里,作者通過(guò)社會(huì)的互動(dòng),闡釋了集體暴力爆發(fā)的過(guò)程。在一個(gè)社會(huì)的群體中,每個(gè)人都會(huì)有多重的身份,同一個(gè)人在不同的場(chǎng)所中,會(huì)是工人、某個(gè)政黨的黨員或是某種宗教的教徒。在這些多重的身份中,政治大亨們通常會(huì)激發(fā)兩種對(duì)立的身份,來(lái)界定“我們和他們”的差別,這就是一個(gè)“邊界激活”的過(guò)程,也是暴力爆發(fā)的過(guò)程。用這一理論框架為起點(diǎn)闡釋達(dá)爾富爾危機(jī)爆發(fā)的原因和過(guò)程,會(huì)為我們提供研究問(wèn)題的新視角。 蘇丹在獨(dú)立后的50多年時(shí)間里,有40年沖突不斷。接連的軍、民政府被無(wú)情的卷入了大規(guī)模的流血和不斷升級(jí)的暴力之中�？梢哉f(shuō),在達(dá)爾富爾暴力沖突集中爆發(fā)之前,在蘇丹的國(guó)家層面上就已經(jīng)出現(xiàn)了諸多的矛盾:達(dá)爾富爾和尼羅河流域之間的并立發(fā)展的歷史;中央與邊緣的對(duì)立;南北戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)所帶來(lái)的阿拉伯人和非洲黑人之間的仇恨。再加上蘇丹獨(dú)立后,整個(gè)政權(quán)的頻繁更替和不穩(wěn)定,這些都對(duì)整個(gè)蘇丹的社會(huì)凝聚力帶來(lái)了極大的損害,為達(dá)爾富爾暴力沖突的爆發(fā)埋下了伏筆。 從達(dá)爾富爾地區(qū)層面上來(lái)看,也有導(dǎo)致矛盾發(fā)生和升級(jí)的諸多因素。一是烏瑪黨的影響。上世紀(jì)60年代末,烏瑪黨陷入分裂,黨派的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人薩迪克和安薩教派的伊瑪目哈迪為了自身的利益,將種族政治的概念灌輸?shù)竭_(dá)爾富爾地區(qū),使阿拉伯人和非洲黑人的身份政治化。二是乍得內(nèi)戰(zhàn)的波及。乍得內(nèi)戰(zhàn)演變成乍得、利比亞和蘇丹的地區(qū)紛爭(zhēng),而處在交界處的達(dá)爾富爾成為另一個(gè)主戰(zhàn)場(chǎng),各方人物粉墨登場(chǎng),達(dá)爾富爾的阿拉伯人和非洲黑人的身份在更廣泛的意義上再次清晰。三是環(huán)境的退化所帶來(lái)的資源、牧草的爭(zhēng)奪。干旱惡化了達(dá)爾富爾原本脆弱的生態(tài)環(huán)境,人口的膨脹、資源的減少導(dǎo)致了不同生活方式的阿拉伯人和非洲黑人資源上的爭(zhēng)奪,清晰著已經(jīng)開(kāi)始日益出現(xiàn)的阿拉伯人和非洲黑人之間的界限。四是種族觀念的引入和政策的失誤。最終,導(dǎo)致了達(dá)爾富爾種族的矛盾急劇升溫,大規(guī)模的暴力變得不可避免。 危機(jī)爆發(fā)后,包括聯(lián)合國(guó)、非盟在內(nèi)的國(guó)際社會(huì)為了實(shí)現(xiàn)危機(jī)的化解,作出了巨大努力,達(dá)爾富爾沖突進(jìn)入和談的階段,但和平的進(jìn)程異常艱難。和蘇丹有著密切石油領(lǐng)域合作的中國(guó),為了沖突的解決發(fā)揮了建設(shè)性作用,但是卻遭受西方媒體、政界的指責(zé)。達(dá)爾富爾危機(jī)的爆發(fā)帶給中國(guó)外交前所未有的挑戰(zhàn),同時(shí)也為我國(guó)外交的調(diào)整提供了契機(jī)。 達(dá)爾富爾的暴力沖突,是多種因素綜合作用的結(jié)果,不是單純意義上的文明沖突或種族沖突,而是蘇丹整個(gè)社會(huì)矛盾和地區(qū)矛盾發(fā)展到一定階段的產(chǎn)物。實(shí)現(xiàn)沖突的化解需要各方的努力,“雙軌戰(zhàn)略”是目前國(guó)際社會(huì)認(rèn)可的辦法。只有發(fā)揮聯(lián)非部隊(duì)的職能,才能實(shí)現(xiàn)達(dá)爾富爾的穩(wěn)定,從而進(jìn)行戰(zhàn)后的重建。而這些沒(méi)有蘇丹政府的有效配合就無(wú)從談起,蘇丹政府也就是以巴希爾總統(tǒng)為首的政府,對(duì)此,國(guó)際社會(huì)也應(yīng)該有充足的認(rèn)識(shí)。
[Abstract]:In 2003, serious violence broke out in the Darfur region of Western Sultan. Since independence, Sultan has fallen into a lasting civil war, and religious differences have been an important aspect of the external interpretation of the causes of the civil war in Sultan, but it is impossible to analyze the Darfur crisis in the same perspective, because it is here. Both Africans and Arabs are believers in Islam.
On the causes of violence and mass violence, many scholars have given us different interpretations. Charles Tilly provides us with a new perspective. In the book of collective violence, the author interprets the process of the outbreak of collective violence through social interaction. In a social group, everyone has multiple. Identity, in different places, will be workers, Party members or religious believers. In these multiple identities, political tycoons often inspire two opposing identities to define the difference between "we and them", which is a process of "boundary activation" and a process of violent eruption. This theoretical framework explains the cause and process of the crisis in Darfur, and will provide us with a new perspective for research.
In the 50 years after independence, there were 40 years of conflict. The army and the civil government were ruthlessly involved in massive bloodshed and escalating violence. It can be said that before the outbreak of violence in Darfur, there were many contradictions at the national level in Sultan: Darfur and the Nile River Basin. The history of the parallel development between the central and the marginal; the hatred between the Arabs and the black Africans brought about by the civil war, and the frequent replacement and instability of the whole regime after the independence of Sultan all brought great damage to the social cohesion of the whole of Sultan and buried the violent conflict in Darfur. A brush with a brush.
From the Darfur region level, there are also many factors that lead to contradictions and escalation. One is the influence of the Uma party. In the late 60s of the last century, the Uma party was divided into split, party leader Sadiq and the ansa sectarian Imam Hardy instilled the concept of racial politics into Darfur to make Ara. Two is the politicization of the identity of the people and black Africans. The civil war of Chad has evolved into Chad, the civil war in Chad, the regional disputes in Libya and Sultan, and the Darfur at the juncture of the other main battleground, the characters of all parties are on the field, and the identity of Darfur Arabs and African Africans is again in a broader sense. Three is the resources of the degradation of the environment, the contention of herbage. The drought has worsened the original fragile ecological environment in Darfur, the expansion of the population, the decrease of resources, the struggle for the Arabs and the African black resources of different ways of life, and the boundary between the Arabs and the African African people that had begun to begin. Four, the introduction of racial ideas and policy mistakes. In the end, the conflict between ethnic groups in Darfur was rapidly increased, and large-scale violence became inevitable.
After the outbreak of the crisis, the international community, including the United Nations and the African Union, made great efforts to achieve the crisis. The Darfur conflict entered the stage of peace talks, but the process of peace was very difficult. China, with the close cooperation in the oil field in Sultan, played a constructive role for the settlement of the conflict, but was subjected to Western media. The outbreak of the Darfur crisis brought unprecedented challenges to China's diplomacy and provided an opportunity for China's diplomatic adjustment.
The violent conflict in Darfur is the result of a comprehensive role of a variety of factors, not a purely cultural conflict or racial conflict, but a product of the development of the whole social and regional contradictions in Sultan to a certain stage. The resolution of the conflict needs the efforts of all parties. The "dual track strategy" is the only way to be recognized by the international community. In order to achieve the stability of the United States and non forces, the stability of Darfur will be achieved and the post-war reconstruction will be carried out. Without the effective cooperation of the Sultan government, the government of the Sultan is the government led by President Bashir, and the international community should also have sufficient understanding.

【學(xué)位授予單位】：外交學(xué)院
【學(xué)位級(jí)別】：博士
【學(xué)位授予年份】：2009
【分類(lèi)號(hào)】：D741.2

【引證文獻(xiàn)】

相關(guān)博士學(xué)位論文 前1條

1 顧堅(jiān);中阿關(guān)系中的雙邊認(rèn)知（1949-2009）[D];上海外國(guó)語(yǔ)大學(xué);2012年

相關(guān)碩士學(xué)位論文 前2條

1 彭遠(yuǎn);達(dá)爾富爾問(wèn)題的由來(lái)與發(fā)展[D];華東師范大學(xué);2012年

2 周軍;蘇丹獨(dú)立以來(lái)達(dá)爾富爾土地問(wèn)題演變及其當(dāng)代影響[D];浙江師范大學(xué);2012年

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本文編號(hào)：1871615