本文選題：哈貝馬斯 + 公共領(lǐng)域　； 參考：《華東師范大學(xué)》2013年碩士論文

【摘要】：俄羅斯2011年的杜馬選舉和2012年的總統(tǒng)選舉都已結(jié)束,“王車易位”在大家的意料之中,但在選舉過程中的眾聲喧嘩里,來自網(wǎng)絡(luò)空間的聲音引起分析者們極大地興趣。 俄羅斯政府雖然對傳統(tǒng)媒體(紙媒、電視、廣播等)有一系列比較嚴(yán)格的審查制度,但是其互聯(lián)網(wǎng)空間還是相有相當(dāng)?shù)淖杂啥�。選舉過程中,政黨以及候選人通過網(wǎng)站,社交媒體等對自身進行政治推廣,而選民也通過互聯(lián)網(wǎng)獲取政治“商品”并發(fā)表自己的政治聲音。尤為引人關(guān)注的是,社交網(wǎng)絡(luò)媒體在這次選舉中的作用,無論是參選政黨和候選人利用其吸引和團結(jié)支持者,反對者們屢屢披露選舉內(nèi)幕,還是選舉結(jié)束后持續(xù)的抗議浪潮,隨處可見社交媒體的身影。 研究當(dāng)下的俄羅斯問題,特別是俄羅斯政治,互聯(lián)網(wǎng)無疑是很好的切入點。首先是因為互聯(lián)網(wǎng)空間的公開性。戈爾巴喬夫當(dāng)年夢寐以求的“公開化”,現(xiàn)在似乎在信息技術(shù)的帶領(lǐng)下逐漸成為現(xiàn)實。俄羅斯社會的內(nèi)部參與者,可以在這種公開(也可能被某種程度上被限制)的環(huán)境中進行政治表達。而外部觀察者,也可以輕易地獲取這些資料和信息。過去的蘇聯(lián)學(xué)研究者,由于信息的不對稱性,他們對問題的把握往往要建立在類似如偵探小說的“克林姆林宮學(xué)”的揣測上,猶如考古學(xué)般神秘。我們這一代的俄羅斯社會觀察者真的非常幸運,因為可以通過互聯(lián)網(wǎng)(甚至不用精通俄語)獲取大量甚至是第一手的信息資源。第二、網(wǎng)絡(luò)空間的公共性使其成為觀察俄羅斯社會生活,特別是政治生活的絕佳場所。在蘇格拉底的時代,要想真正了解雅典,就必須去他們的“辯論廣場”。而在今天,要想真正了解俄羅斯,絕對不能忽視對互聯(lián)網(wǎng)的觀察。因為互聯(lián)網(wǎng)本身就是一個大到無形的“辯論廣場”——博客、社交網(wǎng)絡(luò)、視頻網(wǎng)站等等這些都為想要表達自己立場的政黨、利益集團乃至個人提供了發(fā)聲場所。更為重要的是,這個“廣場”的入場費用相對低廉而且公平。沒有雄厚的財力是不可能在傳統(tǒng)媒體上造勢,而在互聯(lián)網(wǎng)空間里,一切皆有可能。 哈貝馬斯1961年在《公共領(lǐng)域的結(jié)構(gòu)性轉(zhuǎn)型》中對公共領(lǐng)域(public sphere)的概念進行了界定——國家與市民社會的中間地帶。構(gòu)成公共領(lǐng)域的基本要素是具有批判意識的公眾,擁有自由交流、充分溝通的媒介和能夠形成公共輿論。哈貝馬斯根據(jù)17、18世紀(jì)歐洲的歷史社會風(fēng)貌勾勒出的公共領(lǐng)域的圖景,是一種排除了諸多干擾因素的理想狀態(tài),為我們理解公共領(lǐng)域的本質(zhì)提供了便利。利用這種理論模型,可以對不同的社會形態(tài)的公共領(lǐng)域進行剖析。而曼紐爾·卡斯特爾(Manuel Castells)對網(wǎng)絡(luò)社會(Network society)的定義讓我們對當(dāng)今所處的互聯(lián)網(wǎng)時代的種種特征有了清晰的解讀。 本文試圖從公共領(lǐng)域的角度,研究俄羅斯互聯(lián)網(wǎng)與俄羅斯政治生態(tài)系統(tǒng)的互動,進而探尋俄羅斯的網(wǎng)絡(luò)空間是否具有公共領(lǐng)域特性。首先從政治,媒介和公民三個維度對存在于網(wǎng)絡(luò)空間里的公共領(lǐng)域的參與進行分析。然后通過測量2011年俄羅斯國家杜馬主要參選政黨官方網(wǎng)站內(nèi)容輸出情況,論述國家與互聯(lián)網(wǎng)的政策關(guān)系,以及借助于對俄羅斯民眾通過網(wǎng)絡(luò)組織的集體行動和抗議運動的剖析,展示俄羅斯互聯(lián)網(wǎng)所具有的公共領(lǐng)域?qū)傩浴?br/>[Abstract]:Russia's 2011 Duma election and the 2012 presidential election were all over. "King car translocation" was expected, but in the crowd noise in the election process, the voice of the cyberspace aroused great interest from analysts.
Although the Russian government has a series of strict censorship systems for traditional media (paper media, television, radio, etc.), the Internet still has a considerable degree of freedom. In the course of the election, political parties and candidates are promoting their own administration through websites, social media and so on, and voters also get political "commodity" through the Internet. In particular, the role of social network media in the election, whether it is the political parties and candidates to use its attraction and solidarity supporters, the opponents repeatedly disclosing the election, or the continuing wave of protest after the election, can be seen everywhere.
The study of the current Russian problem, especially in Russian politics, is undoubtedly a good point. First, the openness of the Internet space. The "openness" that Gorbachev had dreamed of in the same year seemed to become a reality under the guidance of information technology. The internal participants of Russian Ross society could be in this public. Political expression in an environment that opens (and may be limited to some extent). And the external observer can easily get these information and information. Past Soviet researchers, because of the asymmetry of information, are often based on the speculation of the "Kremlin" like a detective story. This is as mysterious as archaeology. The Russian social observer of our generation is really lucky to have access to a large number of even first-hand information through the Internet (and not even proficient in Russian). Second, the public nature of cyberspace makes it a great place to observe Russian social life, especially political life. In the era of La Di, to really understand Athens, they must go to their "debate square". And today, to really understand Russia, it is absolutely impossible to ignore the observation of the Internet. Because the Internet itself is an invisible "debate square" - blogs, social networks, video websites and so on. The political parties, interest groups and even individuals have provided a sound place for voice. More importantly, the entrance fee of this "square" is relatively cheap and fair. Without abundant financial resources, it is impossible to build up the traditional media, but in the Internet space, everything is possible.
In 1961, Habermas defined the concept of the public domain (public sphere) in the structural transformation of the public domain - the middle zone of the state and the civil society. The basic elements of the public sphere are the critical public, free communication, full media and public opinion. Habermas According to the picture of the public domain outlined in the history and society of Europe in the 17,18 century, it is an ideal state that excludes many disturbing factors and provides convenience for us to understand the nature of the public domain. By using this theoretical model, the public domain of different social forms can be analyzed. And Manuel Castle (Manuel Castells) the definition of Network society gives us a clear explanation of the characteristics of the Internet age.
This paper tries to study the interaction between Russian Internet and Russian political ecosystem from the perspective of public domain, and then to explore whether the Russian network space has the characteristics of the public domain. First, we analyze the participation of the public domain in the network space from three dimensions of politics, media and citizens. And then through the measurement of 2011. The Russian State Duma mainly selected the official website content of the political party, discussed the policy relationship between the country and the Internet, and demonstrated the public domain properties of the Russian Internet by analyzing the collective action and protest movement of the Russian people through the network.

【學(xué)位授予單位】：華東師范大學(xué)
【學(xué)位級別】：碩士
【學(xué)位授予年份】：2013
【分類號】：D751.2

【參考文獻】

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1 華東師范大學(xué)俄羅斯研究中心副主任 楊成;[N];文匯報;2011年

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本文編號：1868877